1954 National Service riots

Following the end of the Japanese Occupation in 1945, the British sought to regain political control over Singapore, which was a vital strategic centre to them. The British Military Administration was set up, focusing on the reorientation of the state in order to meet post-war crises. The British set sights to bolster social and economic life, and to secure their footing in Singapore. Of the social programmes that the government laid out, the most far-reaching and critical was education. The British envisioned setting up "national schools", prioritising English-medium education and undermining vernacular education. With that, Chinese schools were starved of funding, resulting in anger and resentments among the Chinese students and teachers. This led to a rise in anti-colonial sentiments. This growing anti-colonial sentiment was further fuelled by the larger anti-colonial sentiment that was also happening outside Singapore. Winning freedom for colonies in Africa and Asia played a part in instilling hope in the progressive left in Singapore, that independence may come one day. While organised opposition to colonial rule was difficult, the period was nevertheless plagued with social discontent and stirrings of anti-colonial and nationalistic sentiments, in view of the British's plan to consolidate and maintain rule following the Japanese occupation. == 13 May 1954 ==

In December 1953, the National Service Ordinance was passed, requiring the registration of all male British subjects and Federal citizens between the ages of 18-20 for part-time military training. After the announcement was made regarding the National Service draft, personnel involved were to register for the call-up from 8 April to 12 May 1954. By 12 May 1954, students from the Chinese Middle Schools still did not register themselves for National Service (NS). On 18 May 1954, a delegation of students (the 55-member Chinese Middle Schools Student Delegation) met the Chinese Chamber of Commerce (CCC), requesting the CCC's help to speak to the British government on their behalf. However, the only concrete result from this meeting was having their school holidays being pushed forward by 2 weeks Constant negotiations were made back and forth between the students and the government in the following days. However, due to the resistance put up by the students, the attempt to recruit male youths for National Service took a back seat. The aftermath of 13 May 1954 resulted in the conviction of 8 students for obstructing the police during the demonstration, as well as further tightening of control over the students by the British. == Interpretations of 13 May 1954 ==

Different historical interpretations have been taken to the incidents occurring on and following 13 May 1954. The incidents have been characterised as a communist subversion, as an Anti-Colonial Movement, and as a bottom up, spontaneous response to particular events. Communist subversion In the 1950s, the Chinese students were one of the largest groups involved in demonstrations. Their motivations have been consistently credited to communist manipulation – through a united front strategy. The united front strategy was a political tool employed by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) with aims of regathering and rebuilding their strength, which was greatly depleted in jungle fighting during the earlier years of the State of Emergency between 1948 and 1960. The strategy focused on building relations and contacts with workers, peasants and students, emphasising on how plans and arrangements should be made in order to gain mass. this particular issue, dated 10 May 1954, and titled as "Aggression in Asia", was one that involved critical views on the ongoing Anglo-American Military initiative to form the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO). In addition, the issue also contained comments on the National Service Bill which was passed in Singapore earlier on. It argued that pressing students into military service was in no way "national" for it entailed "a colonial people to be trained to fight wars in the making of which they have no part – no choice of their foes or allies. Though we are not fit to rule ourselves, we are not unfit to die for other people's interests." In the view of scholars like Quee, Tan & Hong and Barr, & Trocki, 13 May 1954 represented the convergence of notions of nationalism, with help from the English-educated. The student resistance was very focused and uncompromising. It was evident that they were pushing the boundaries as far as the emergency regulations would allow, and anti-colonialism was the main engine driving their cause. Spontaneous response to particular events The riot can also be explained as a spontaneous response to events surrounding the National Service Ordinance. Singaporean historian, Thum Ping Tjin, argues that the National Service Ordinance was actually supported by the Chinese, based upon Chinese press reports that recalled the heroic defence of Singapore by volunteers in 1942. Community leaders also praised the ordinance and called upon the Chinese community to fulfill their task of defending the country." Thum bases his opinion largely from Chinese sources such as the Nanyang Siang Pao, Nanfang Evening Post and Sin Chew Jit Poh. In Thum's view, "13th May 1954" was an event triggered by the flawed implementation of the system. Some overage students had been forced to miss examinations or leave school as a result of a call up. The lack of documents sent to these young men to explain the purpose of national service caused many to believe that they would be sent into the Malayan jungle to fight for the British. Students were also turned down time and again by the government when all they wanted was to seek clarifications regarding National Service. In addition, miscommunication and translation regarding the term "National Service" resulted in adverse sentiments among these Chinese Middle School students for it was mistranslated as minzhong fuwu, 民众服务, which literally meant "servitude by the masses", a term with demeaning connotations implying the mass of the people acting as indentured servants of the elite. This discontent and miscommunication was further fuelled by the ineffective registration process whereby Chinese Middle School students were provoked by the disruptive and authoritative conduct of the government team, who sent teams into Chung Cheng High School without warning, and went from class to class to distribute registration forms, disrupting lessons. Teachers who refused to halt their lessons were also forced to leave the classrooms, leaving students outraged and refusing to register for national service. This episode was repeated again on 23 April 1954 at the Chinese High School. On 13 May 1954 itself, representatives from the affected students made preparations to meet William Goode in government house to negotiate the ordinance. The crowd (approximately 1000 people) that assembled in the vicinity of the government house to give their support were actually students from the Chinese inter-schools sports competition — just a 30-minute walk away at Jalan Besar Stadium via Serangoon Road and Bukit Timah Road. The students were there to await the outcome of the meeting, and it was not a planned protest. In the days following 13 May 1954, tensions arose due to the "difficulties posed to the students by the Governor", when all that the students wanted was a form of written assurance for the postponement of national service for all students who are still schooling. According to Thum, once again drawing his opinions from Chinese sources, the process of appeal was made difficult for the students. For instance, their first petition was returned to them unopened because it was not submitted through "proper channels". With that, the students resubmitted their petition by registered mail however, the petition was again, returned to the students with the instruction that petitions from students should be submitted through the principal and management committee of their school. This was done, but there was no reply from the government once again. == Significance of 13 May 1954 ==

The aftermath of 13 May 1954 saw the formation of the Singapore Chinese Middle School Students Union (SCMSSU), and it was under the banner of SCMSSU that the 1950s saw more intense left-wing activities, for example, the Hock Lee Bus riots. 13 May 1954 also has a crucial significance in the politics in Singapore, for it was this event that enforced unity between students, labour workers and the People's Action Party (PAP), then led by Lee Kuan Yew and leftist trade union leaders Lim Chin Siong and Fong Swee Suan. The Chinese students' engaged Lee, then a practising lawyer, to defend the seven students who were charged for obstructing the police on 13 May 1954. ==See also==