1973 Thai popular uprising

Student activism in Thailand grew during the 1950s, as many students became inspired by leftist ideology to mobilize and organize demonstrations and rallies against the pro-American policies of the ruling government. The rise of university students as a political force was also due to the increase in absolute numbers of university students. From 1961 to 1972, the number of university students increased from 15,000 to 150,000, while the number of universities increased from five to seventeen. Prior to 1968, student activity was confined to demonstrations of loyalty rather than demands for change or criticism of the political system. The death of Sarit Thanarat in December 1963 changed things as the government under Thanom was more tolerant of students and intellectuals. The publication of the Social Science Review in the 1960s was credited as being responsible for restarting intellectual thinking and debate in Thai politics. Discussion groups sprang up at major universities which developed into organized and important independent groups, e.g., the "Sapha Na Dome" and "Sethatham" and the "SOTUS" group. These independent groups in turn produced their own writings and the Social Science Review began to publish articles from them. Some of the writings were critical of the government. These groups also started to hold clandestine political seminars which encouraged students to be analytical and critical. ==The National Student Center of Thailand==

The student discussion groups were in many important ways different from the student unions already present on campus. They were radical and looked for new ways of interpreting Thai society and politics, often with a leftist slant. They did not organize themselves the same way the official student unions were run, i.e., on a hierarchical and politically conservative basis. These groups from different universities were able to transcend inter-university rivalry and build up contacts among themselves. As a consequence of the increasing collegial contact between students, the National Student Center of Thailand (NSCT) was founded in 1968. Its purpose was to represent and coordinate student action. The NSCT was to play a crucial role in the 1973 uprising. After several meetings between representatives from Thailand's universities, it was proposed that Thai students should have an inter-university organization, the NSCT. It was to include two members from each of eleven institutions: Chulalongkorn University, Thammasat University, Kasetsart University, Silpakorn University, Mahidol University, Chiang Mai University, Khon Kaen University, Prince of Songkla University, Prasanmit Teachers College (now Srinakharinwirot University), Bangsaen Teachers College (now Burapha University), and Patumwan Teachers College (now combined with Srinakharinwirot University). This made it difficult for members of the more politically conscious groups to control or even influence the NSCT, as they were still viewed with suspicion by most students. As a result, activists were unable to win election to the campus student unions and thus to the NSCT. Many discussion groups found the NSCT to be conservative and unprogressive. Despite the apparent unity of the student movement, there were noticeable splits among the students. While they were united in their aim to remove Prime Minister Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn and his clique from office, once Thanom went into exile the student movement split into two main factions: the moderate university students and the radical vocational students. The vocational students were marked by their propensity for violence and their demands for the right to study for degrees. Likewise, the NSCT was divided between two personalities, Sombat Thamrongthanyawongse and Seksan Prasertkul. Some scholars link this conflict to the traditional Thai personal clique power competition typical of Thai bureaucracy. However, others cite the cooperation between Seksan and Sombat in protesting the construction of a second international airport for Bangkok as evidence that it was possible for them to cooperate. ==NSCT actions leading to October 1973==

In November 1972, the NSCT began a campaign to boycott Japanese goods. This was a strategic move as it avoided a direct attack on the Thanom government, but served to show the public the students' intentions. As well as handing out leaflets in shopping centers, proclaiming an "Anti-Japanese Goods Week" and presenting a ten-point economic plan to Thanom, the NSCT also organized a protest march. It was difficult for the Thanom government to crack down on the NSCT despite the ban on other political parties as the NSCT played up nationalistic sentiment. With the success of the anti-Japanese goods campaign, the NSCT took a more obvious stance in December 1972 by responding to the government's National Executive Council Decree No. 299, which enabled the council to place the judiciary under direct bureaucratic control. This increased its powers vis-à-vis the judiciary. The NSCT organized an all-night sit-in at Thammasat University and a march from there to Chulalongkorn University. A protest rally was also held at Chiang Mai University. The NSCT was supported by the Lawyers Association of Thailand and by some members of the media. Three days later, the government backed down and retracted the decree. In June 1973, several university students from Ramkhamhaeng University were expelled for publishing a satire on the ruling government. The satire was related to the Thung Yai hunting scandal that took place in April 1973, when a military helicopter crashed with the loss of senior military officers, family members, wealthy businessmen, and a film star. The death of the highly popular film star, as well as of the prominent businessmen, could not be covered up. The satire made public some of the details, arousing nationwide public outrage. The NSCT reacted by organizing rallies to call for the reinstatement of the students. Subsequently, the government decided to close the universities, which caused the rallies to grow in size, reaching 50,000. Eventually, the government relented in the end, with the students reinstated and the rector of the university forced to resign. Through these actions, the NSCT gained a reputation for being on the side of the people, helping to turn middle-class opinion against the military government. The NSCT also learned to organize effective rallies and demonstrations, showing their growing experience and resourcefulness as logisticians. By October 1973, they had earned themselves a political voice and, emboldened by their previous successes, took decisive action. ==Events of 6–15 October 1973==

On 6 October, Thirayuth Boonmee and ten other political activists were arrested for distributing leaflets in crowded places in Bangkok such as Bang Lamphu, Siam Square, and Pratunam, urging support for an early drafting of the constitution. The ruling government used a decree banning gatherings of more than five people to arrest them. The other arrestees were Thirayuth, Prapansak Kamolpetch, Boonsong Chalethorn, Bandhit Hengnilrat, Visa Kanthap, Thanya Chunkathatharn, Thawee Muenthikorn, Montri Juengsirinarak, Nopporn Suwanpanich, Preedi Boonsue, and Chaiwat Suravichai. They were taken to police headquarters and their homes were searched. On 7 October, Kongkiat Kongka, accused of being a member of a group advocating early promulgation of the permanent constitution, was also arrested. and many buildings near Ratchadamnoen Avenue were set on fire. The number of demonstrators quickly grew to more than 500,000, as other students and their sympathizers rallied to their defense. The soldiers finally withdrew in the evening, and about 19:15 the king announced on television and radio that Thanom's military government had resigned. Only when it was announced that Thanom, Praphas, and Thanom's son, Colonel Narong Kittikachorn, who was married to Praphas' daughter, had fled the country did calm return to Bangkok. The end had come as quickly and unexpectedly as the violence had begun. ==Aftermath==

on Ratchadamnoen Avenue The uprising unleashed a range of political forces not seen in Thailand before, and the country gradually became more polarized. In the immediate aftermath of the uprising, there was a popular perception of promise and euphoria. However, things took a turn for the worse, as democracy took the blame for the consequences of the past dictatorships. There were a myriad of reasons for the widespread support for the students. For a majority of the people, the military government was a main reason to support the students because it failed to curb inflation and prevent rice shortages. Benedict Anderson, a Southeast Asia scholar, has argued that despite the power and credibility they lent to the movement, the Thai middle class were far less concerned about the students' goals than they were dissatisfied with social and economic changes affecting their lives. In its idealism, the NSCT decided to use the donations they had gathered during October 1973 to educate villagers about democracy and its processes. The Democracy Propagation Program began in earnest over the few months after the new regime was installed and "democracy emissaries" were sent to all 580 districts in Thailand. This lasted till 1974, when the realities of the difference in culture, resistance, and inertia forced the program to a halt. ==Analysis==

The uprising was undoubtedly driven by the actions of the university students, but the role of other forces should also be mentioned. These include armed forces rivalries, especially between the army and the navy, and a series of wildcat strikes by common labourers and civilian workers in August and September 1973, both of which helped to create an atmosphere conducive to a change in the ruling government. In addition, the CPT pursued a strict Maoist line, which called for revolution to take place in rural areas first. The CPT did not consider students the vanguard of a Marxist revolution. They saw the students as weak-minded and undisciplined, a view that did not change even after the crackdown in October 1976. Nevertheless, after the events of October 1973, the CPT began recruiting in the universities by publishing books and writing articles on campus. This was most evident in an article on the NSCT newspaper which called for armed struggle as the only way to change society for the better. The toppling of the regime by the student movement ushered in a period (1973–1976) in Thai politics termed "democratic". However, in hindsight the period was not democratic in most senses of the word. The strong resurgence of the right wing and the military in late-1974 began a program of politically motivated assassinations of prominent peasant, farmer, and student leaders. Ironically, after the end of the Thanom regime, the political repression that forced radical students to toe the NSCT line also dissipated. This led to the breakup of the student movement into disparate parts. == In popular culture ==

Film • The Moonhunter (2001) written by Seksan Prasertkul himself, a student leader of the uprising. == See also ==