Arab socialism

Early development Niqula Haddad, the brother-in-law of Farah Antun, was a Syrian writer from an Orthodox Christian family who arguably wrote the first book on socialism in Arabic, titled al-Ishtirakiyah, in the early twentieth century. Haddad believed in a welfare state where the government would supply employment, medicine, school, and old age pensions. The causes of this shift, as argued by scholar Rey Matthieu, are intertwined and threefold. In a written statement from 1946, Aflaq wrote "The Arab nationalists are socialists", hence "there is neither incompatibility nor contradiction nor war between nationalists and socialists." While Aflaq always found it easier to define socialism as what it was not, one thing he and Salah al-Din al-Bitar were certain of, was that Arab socialism was not communist or related in any way to communism. Part of the reason for this was the French Communist Party's support for lengthening the French Mandate of Syria. In a published shortly after that decision was made, Aflaq wrote "If I am asked to define socialism, I shall not look for it in the works of Karl Marx|[Karl] Marx and Vladimir Lenin|[Vladimir] Lenin." The main cardinal difference between Arab socialism and communism, according to Aflaq and Ba'athists in general, was the cardinal role given to nationalism. Since everything in Ba'athist thought was somehow linked to Arab nationalism, Aflaq could not bridge the gap between nationalism and communist internationalism. However, he did note Josip Broz Tito's policy of self-determination while governing Yugoslavia. Another difference was that Aflaq did not support the communist idea that class struggle was the central piece throughout human history, given that role instead to nationalism. Arab socialism rejected communism based on the belief that it was deceitful, as it sought to tie "the Arab destiny to the destiny of another state, namely Russia". Jamal al-Atassi, in a writing dating to 1956, wrote that while Arab socialism was not communism, the party could learn from the experience of the socialist countries of how to construct a socialist society. It was around this time communist-inspired terms such as "masses of the people" and "people's organization" began to be heavily used in Ba'athist literature, while at the same time emphasizing class conflict more than before. He wrote that "Socialism cannot realize its goals unless it starts from the [fact of] division, difference, and conflict among society's structures and classes." Atassi ended the article by calling for the "oppressed classes" of the workers, peasants and "other strugglers" to join in the effort to overthrow the oppressors to establish a united Arab society. In short, he called for revolutionary struggle. While Aflaq did believe class conflict existed, he believed it to be subordinate to nationalism. Munif al-Razzaz, a Jordanian Ba'athist, wrote the Ba'athist classic "Why Socialism Now?" in 1957. In it he takes a "very different" approach on interpreting the meaning of socialism from Aflaq. As he wrote, "Socialism is a way of life, not just an economic order. It extends to all aspects of life—economics, politics, training, education, social life, health, morals, literature, science, history, and others, both great and small." In contrast to official party writings which stressed Arab unity above else, Razzaz tried to demonstrate the interdependent nature of unity, liberty and socialism. He criticized the view that socialism had to come after Arab unity, stating "Socialism, freedom and unity are not different names for different things, ... but different facets of one basic law from which they spring." He further noted that "If I believe in man and in man's worth, then I should believe in unity, nationalism, freedom, and socialism because each of them represents a facet of man's fundamental value." Razzaz ended the article, stating that socialism had been achieved to the same degree as "freedom and unity have been achieved." == Nasserism ==

Arab socialism in Egypt has its roots in pan-Arabism, nationalism, anti-colonialism and Islamic thought. It greatly differentiates itself from communism and other forms of Western socialism, both of which greatly focus on the material conditions, whereas Arab socialism also incorporates religious ideals. These ideas are to be found in the Qu'ran, which aimed at the distribution of wealth and the caring for all members of society. Socialism had also been introduced at the beginning of the nineteenth century through French thinkers which recognized the particularities of the Egyptian thought towards revolutionary movements. Arab socialism was greatly developed through the influence of Gamal Abdel-Nasser, who came to create the definition of Arab socialism. Nasser's socialism was based on a pragmatic and empirical approach which broadly disregarded the theoretical framework of socialism if it had no basis in the real conditions that Egypt was facing. Moreover, he staunchly opposed the internationalism of other Egyptian communists, seeking alliance purely on pragmatic terms until later purging them. After the successful coup d'état of 1952, where King Farouk was deposed bloodlessly, Nasser was only guided by six main tenets: the end of imperialism, the end of the government of capital, social justice (end of domination), creation of a strong national army, creation of a fully operational democratic system and the end of the feudal system. Guided by these, he also stressed the importance of a double revolution, a revolution which had to be political and social. Political as it needed to end feudalism and the corrupt government; social because it needed to end with oppression between classes. The end of oppression did not mean class abolishment, but class harmony within the state. He wanted to create the conditions for everyone to have equal opportunities to perform whichever role within society, for which he invested in education and public health measures. Addressing students at Alexandria University in 1966, Nasser stated that there was no 'Arab socialism' but an 'Arab application of socialism'. Nasser's socialism had the goals previously mentioned, and he tried to accomplish them through a neutralism in the foreign sphere and socialist measures at the national level. He did not want to participate in the global divide of the time between the USSR and USA at the global sphere as he wanted to prioritise Egypt's national interests through a policy of positive alignment. Throughout his mandate, he passed several reforms, which included the redistribution of land through the abolishment of feudalism, worker laws which ensured their participation into committees which had direct contact with management. He aspired to eventually convert into a form of direct democracy, which he saw necessary for a true socialist state and the well being of every individual. Nasser, in his adoption of Arab socialism, focuses on embracing and encompassing religion within socialism, as he perceives it to be part of Egypt's social fabric, being one of its main constituents. He therefore rejects Marxist historical materialism and historical determinism, which allows for a hands-on approach to his conception of history. Although arguments can be made for inspirations or adoptions of Marxist thought in certain instances, like when Nasser came to adopt the communist stance of armed support for Sudanese self-determination. It would not be until after the 1948 war that most communist Jews were exiled from Egypt. Arwa Salih, an Egyptian left-revolutionary feminist, would ground her criticism of the Egyptian regime in gender, breaking taboos regarding sex and morality within the male-dominated Egyptian communist movement. His central argument was threefold: (1) his Jewishness does not negate his Egyptian identity, (2) Both Zionism and the Arab leadership have shared fault in the "asphyxiation of Egyptian Jewry", and (3) Jews are integral to Egyptian culture and society as a whole. In contrast to many Jewish Egyptian communists, Haroun would maintain his Jewish identity while in Egypt, building support for nationalist critique of Nasser. == Consequences of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War ==

The Arab defeat in the Six-Day War held a vast array of consequences for Arab socialism and the Arab left as a whole, marking a series of political and intellectual transitions. Firstly, it spelled the end of decolonization and pan-Arabism as a military project, instead capturing the attention of wandering revolutionaries and directing it towards the Palestinian struggle. It cemented the turn towards Marxism in Arab left circles and marked the beginning of Nasser's decline, altering the entire trajectory of the MENA region's history. Critique of the "Old Left" associated with Nasser's regime led to the development of a "New Left" current. Conversely, the Naksa also shifted the Overton window to include more radical and Islamist focused ideologies. Understanding of the New Left's trajectory is made possible by examining the founding of the Egyptian Communist Organisation (1969) and its development into the Egyptian Communist Workers' Party (1975) as a part of a new radical left current characterized by clear discontinuities with the Old Left or its Marxist outgrowths. Related popular Egyptian movements in the wake of Nasser's 1967 resignation called for him to remain and face consequences, creating a space for public political critique of his regime. Student protests in the following years represented the first significant instance of public government critique in decades, even as the government monopoly on "all political life" and the stunted scope of the protestors slashed chances of success. Eventually, Nasser's death in 1970 alongside further protests would open up avenues for more varied independent politics, even if the New Arab Left would ultimately fall short of realizing any tangible vehicle for change. Anwar al-Sadat, while still a target of popular protest, would consolidate power in the 1971 Corrective Revolution. == External reception ==

The website of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party has an entry dated 1 January 2011, stating: "In 28/10/2003, by the attendance of comrade Al-Ahmar and Mr. Ching, the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party and the Chinese Communist Party agreed to sign an agreement at the end of the discussions for three years, 2004/2005/2006. The two parties wish to promote and enhance the relations of friendship and cooperation between their two parties and co-ordinate their efforts for embodying their common objectives for the wellbeing of their two friendly peoples". On the other hand, the Arabist Bernard Lewis has stated: "Nobody seems to have a good word to say for Arab socialism. Commercial, professional, and middle class elements bring against it the usual complaints which are brought against socialism in Western countries. Left-wingers dismiss Arab socialism with contempt as a half-hearted and inefficient compromise which has the merits neither of socialism nor of capitalism." A Soviet analyst on the subject of the Ba'athist movement noted "The concept of socialist structure [as it] appeared in the articles and speeches […] [in] the period of the birth of the new movement [the Ba'ath] […] was just a hazy outline on a barely developed ideological negative." == See also ==