Some of the earliest Kievan princes and princesses such as
Askold and Dir and
Olga of Kiev reportedly converted to Christianity, but
Oleg the Wise,
Igor of Kiev and
Sviatoslav I remained pagans. According to some sources and historians, there was an attempt in the 9th century to Christianise Kievan Rus'. The most authoritative source for this purported first conversion attempt is an
encyclical letter of
Patriarch Photius of
Constantinople, datable to early 867. Referencing the
Rus'-Byzantine War of 860, Photius informs the Oriental
patriarchs and bishops that, after the
Bulgarians turned to Christ in 864, the Rus' followed suit so zealously that he found it prudent to send to their land a
bishop. . Byzantine historians, starting with the continuation of
Theophanes the Confessor, assumed that the Rus'
raid against Constantinople in 860 was a Byzantine success and attributed the presumed victory to
the Intercession of the
Theotokos. This conviction dictated the following interpretation: awed by the miracles they witnessed under the walls of the imperial capital and grief-stricken at the disaster that befell them, the Rus' sent envoys to Photius and asked him to send a bishop to their land. According to
Constantine VII, who authored a biography of his grandfather,
Basil the Macedonian, it was his ancestor who persuaded the Rus' to abandon their
pagan ways. Constantine attributes the conversion to Basil and to
Patriarch Ignatius, rather than to their predecessors,
Michael III and Photius. He narrates how the Byzantines galvanized the Rus' into conversion by their persuasive words and rich presents, including gold, silver, and precious tissues. He also repeats a traditional story that the pagans were particularly impressed by a miracle: a
gospel book thrown by the archbishop (sic) into an oven was not damaged by fire. Constantine's account precipitated a long-term dispute over whether the 9th-century Christianization of the Rus' went through two stages. One school of thought postulates that there was only one Christianization: wishing to glorify his ancestor, Constantine simply ascribed to Basil the missionary triumphs of his predecessor, Michael III. On the other hand,
Constantine Zuckerman argues that, in response to the initial request of the Rus', Photius (and Michael III) sent to the
Rus' Khaganate a simple bishop. The pagans felt slighted at the low rank of the prelate and their Christian zeal evaporated. In September 867, Michael was assassinated by Basil, who (together with a new patriarch, Ignatius) sent to the Rus' an
archbishop who propped up the religious fervor of the local leaders with rich presents. Parenthetically, the contemporaneous
Christianization of Bulgaria was likewise effected in two stages: the Bulgars were offended when a simple bishop arrived to their capital from Constantinople and requested
Pope Nicholas I to send them a higher-ranking church official. Such considerations were an important matter of political prestige. This pattern has parallels with the stories of
Frankish historians about the multiple "
baptisms" of the
Norsemen, whose true intention was to get hold of the rich gifts accompanying the Christianization rituals. The date and rationale for the Christianization are also shrouded in controversy.
Grigory Litavrin views the event as "a formal and diplomatic act making it easier to obtain advantageous agreements with the ruler of the Christian state." Zuckerman argues that Ignatius sent his archbishop to Rus' in about 870, while
Dmitry Obolensky inclines to accept 874 as the date of the definitive Christianization. == Tenth century ==