advances in
C.A.R. (December 2012 – March 2013)
Toppling Bozizé (2012–2013) Formation of Séléka In August 2012 a peace agreement was signed between the government and the
CPJP. On 20 August 2012, an agreement was signed between a dissident faction of the CPJP, led by Colonel
Hassan Al Habib calling itself
Fundamental CPJP, and the
Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). Al Habib announced that, in protest of the peace agreement, the Fundamental CPJP was launching an offensive dubbed "Operation
Charles Massi", in memory of the CPJP founder who was allegedly tortured and murdered by the government, and that his group intended to overthrow
Bozizé. In September, Fundamental CPJP, using the French name
Alliance CPSK-CPJP, took responsibility for attacks on the towns of
Sibut,
Damara and
Dekoa, killing two members of the army. It claimed that it had killed two additional members of the
Central African Armed Forces (FACA) in
Damara, capturing military and civilian vehicles, weapons including rockets, and communications equipment, and launched unsuccessful assault on a fourth town,
Grimari, and promised more operations in the future.
Mahamath Isseine Abdoulaye, president of the pro-government CPJP faction, countered that the CPJP was committed to the peace agreement and the attacks were the work of
Chadian rebels, saying this group of "thieves" would never be able to march on
Bangui. Al Habib was killed by
FACA on 19 September in Daya, a town north of
Dekoa. In November 2012, in
Obo,
FACA soldiers were injured in an attack attributed to Chadian
Popular Front for Recovery rebels. On 10 December 2012, the rebels seized the towns of
N'Délé,
Sam Ouandja and
Ouadda, as well as weapons left by fleeing soldiers. On 15 December, rebel forces took
Bamingui, and three days later they advanced to
Bria, moving closer to
Bangui. The
Alliance CPSK-CPJP for the first time used the name
Séléka (meaning "union" in the
Sango language) with a press release calling itself "Séléka CPSK-CPJP-UFDR", thus including the
Union of Democratic Forces for Unity (UFDR). The
Séléka claim they are fighting because of a lack of progress after a peace deal ended the
Bush War. Following an appeal for help from Central African President
François Bozizé, the
President of Chad,
Idriss Déby, pledged to send 2,000 troops to help quell the rebellion. The first
Chadian troops arrived on 18 December 2012 to reinforce the
CAR contingent in
Kaga-Bandoro, in preparation for a counter-attack on
N'Délé.
Séléka forces took
Kabo on 19 December, a major hub for transport between Chad and CAR, located west and north of the areas previously taken by the rebels. On 18 December 2012, the Chadian group
Popular Front for Recovery (FPR) announced their allegiance to the Séléka coalition. On 20 December 2012, a rebel group based in northern CAR, the
Democratic Front of the Central African People (FDPC) joined the Séléka coalition. Four days later the rebel coalition took over
Bambari, the country's third largest town, followed by
Kaga-Bandoro on 25 December. Rebel forces reached
Damara, bypassing the town of
Sibut where around 150 Chadian troops were stationed together with CAR troops that withdrew from Kaga-Bandoro. On 26 December, hundreds of protesters surrounded the
French embassy accusing the former colonial power of failing to help the army.
Josué Binoua, the
CAR's minister for territorial administration, requested that France intervenes in case the rebels, now only away, manage to reach the capital
Bangui. On 27 December,
Bozizé asked the international community for assistance. French president
François Hollande rejected the appeal, saying that French troops would only be used to protect French nationals in CAR, and not to defend Bozizé's government. Reports indicated that the
U.S. military was preparing plans to evacuate "several hundred" American citizens, as well as other nationals.
Gabonese General
Jean-Félix Akaga, commander of the
Economic Community of Central African States' (ECCAS) Multinational Force of Central Africa (FOMAC), said the capital was "fully secured" by the troops from its
MICOPAX peacekeeping mission, adding that reinforcements should arrive soon. However, military sources in
Gabon and
Cameroon denied the report, claiming no decision had been taken regarding the crisis. Government soldiers launched a counterattack against rebel forces in
Bambari on 28 December, leading to heavy clashes, according to a government official. Several witnesses over away said they could hear detonations and heavy weapons fire for a number of hours. Later, both a rebel leader and a military source confirmed the military attack was repelled and the town remained under rebel control. At least one rebel fighter was killed and three were wounded in the clashes, and the military's casualties were unknown. Meanwhile, the foreign ministers in the
ECCAS announced that more troops from the Multinational Force for Central Africa (FOMAC) would be sent to the country to support the 560 members of the MICOPAX mission already present. The announcement was done by
Chad's Foreign Minister
Moussa Faki after a meeting in the
Gabonese capital
Libreville. At the same time, ECCAS Deputy Secretary-General
Guy-Pierre Garcia confirmed that the rebels and the
CAR government had agreed to unconditional talks, with the goal to get to negotiations by 10 January at the latest. In
Bangui, the
U.S. Air Force evacuated around 40 people from the country, including the
American ambassador. The
International Committee of the Red Cross also evacuated eight of its foreign workers, though local volunteers and 14 other foreigners remained to help the growing number of displaced people. Rebel forces took over the town of
Sibut without firing a shot on 29 December, as at least 60 vehicles with
CAR and
Chadian troops retreated to
Damara, the last city standing between
Séléka and the capital. In
Bangui, the government ordered a 7 pm to 5 am
curfew and banned the use of
motorcycle taxis, fearing they could be used by rebels to infiltrate the city. Residents reported many shop-owners had hired groups of armed men to guard their property in anticipation of possible looting, as thousands were leaving the city in overloaded cars and boats. The
French military contingent rose to 400 with the deployment of 150 additional
paratroopers sent from
Gabon to
Bangui M'Poko International Airport. French prime minister
Jean-Marc Ayrault again stressed that the troops were only present to "protect French and European nationals" and not deal with the rebels.
Foreign troops and ceasefire agreement in
CAR, 2014 On 30 December, President
Bozizé agreed to a possible national unity government with members of the
Séléka coalition. On 2 January 2013, the president took over as the new head of the defense ministry from his son and dismissed army chief
Guillaume Lapo. Meanwhile, rebel spokesman Col.
Djouma Narkoyo confirmed that
Séléka had stopped their advance and will enter peace talks due to start in
Libreville on 8 January, on the precondition that government forces stop arresting members of the
Gula tribe. The rebel coalition confirmed it would demand the immediate departure of President Bozizé, who had pledged to see out his term until its end in 2016. By 1 January reinforcements from FOMAC began to arrive in
Damara to support the 400
Chadian troops already stationed there as part of the
MICOPAX mission. With rebels closing in on the capital
Bangui, a total of 360 soldiers were sent to boost the defenses of Damara –
Angola,
Democratic Republic of the Congo, 120 each from
Gabon,
Republic of the Congo and
Cameroon, with a Gabonese general in command of the force.
Jean-Félix Akaga, the Gabonese general in charge of the MICOPAX force, sent by the
ECCAS, declared that Damara represented a "red line that the rebels cannot cross", and that doing so would be "a declaration of war" against the 10 members of the regional bloc.
France had further boosted its presence in the country to 600 troops. On 11 January 2013, a ceasefire agreement was signed in
Libreville,
Gabon. On 13 January,
Bozizé signed a decree that removed Prime Minister
Faustin-Archange Touadéra from power, as part of the agreement with the rebel coalition. The rebels dropped their demand for President
François Bozizé to resign, but he had to appoint a new
prime minister from the opposition by 18 January 2013. The terms of the agreement also included that
National Assembly of the Central African Republic be dissolved within a week with a year-long coalition government formed in its place and a new
legislative election be held within 12 months (with the possibility of postponement). In addition, the temporary coalition government had to implement judicial reforms, amalgamate the rebel troops with the Bozizé government's troops to establish a new national military, set up the new legislative elections, as well as introduce other social and economic reforms. On 23 January 2013, the ceasefire was broken, with the government blaming
Séléka and Séléka blaming the government for allegedly failing to honor the terms of the power-sharing agreement. By 21 March, the rebels had advanced to
Bouca, 300 km from the capital
Bangui.
Fall of Bangui On 18 March 2013, the rebels, having taken over
Gambo and
Bangassou, threatened to take up arms again if their demands for the release of political prisoners, the integration of their forces into the national army and for
South African soldiers to leave the country were not met within 72 hours. Three days later, they took control of the towns of
Damara and
Bossangoa. By 23 March, they entered
Bangui. On 24 March, rebels reached the
Presidential Palace in the centre of the capital. The Presidential Palace and the rest of the capital soon fell to rebel forces and
Bozizé fled to the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, which was followed by widespread looting in the capital. By 2 April, only 20 of the original 200
South African National Defence Force troops stationed in
CAR remained in the country. A company of
French troops secured
Bangui M'Poko International Airport and France sent 350 soldiers to ensure the security of its citizens, bringing the total number of French troops in CAR to nearly 600. On 25 March 2013,
Séléka leader
Michel Djotodia, who served after the January agreement as First Deputy Prime Minister for National Defense, declared himself president, becoming the first
Muslim to ever hold the office. Djotodia said that there would be a three-year transitional period and that
Nicolas Tiangaye would continue to serve as prime minister. Djotodia promptly suspended the constitution and dissolved the government, as well as the National Assembly. He then reappointed Tiangaye as prime minister on 27 March 2013.
Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013–2014) In the following two days top military and police officers met with
Djotodia and recognized him as president on 28 March 2013, in what was viewed as "a form of surrender", and the overall security situation was beginning to improve. A new government headed by
Tiangaye, with 34 members, appointed on 31 March 2013, included nine members of
Séléka, along with eight representatives of the parties that had opposed
Bozizé, while only one member of the government was associated with Bozizé, and 16 positions were given to representatives of civil society. The former opposition parties declared on 1 April that they would boycott the government to protest its domination by Séléka, arguing that the 16 positions given to representatives of civil society were in fact "handed over to Séléka allies disguised as civil society activists". led
MICOPAX to the larger
African Union (flag above) led
MISCA. On 3 April 2013, African leaders meeting in
Chad declared that they did not recognize
Djotodia as president; instead, they proposed the formation of an inclusive transitional council and the holding of new elections in 18 months, rather than three years as envisioned by Djotodia. Speaking on 4 April, Information Minister
Christophe Gazam Betty said that Djotodia had accepted the proposals of the African leaders; however, he suggested that Djotodia could remain in office if he were elected to head the transitional council. Djotodia accordingly signed a decree on 6 April for the formation of a transitional council that would act as a transitional parliament. The council was tasked with electing an interim president to serve during an 18-month transitional period leading to new elections. , called the "Battle of
Bangui" The transitional council, composed of 105 members, met for the first time on 13 April 2013 and immediately elected
Djotodia as interim president; there were no other candidates. A few days later, regional leaders publicly accepted Djotodia's transitional leadership, but, in a symbolic show of disapproval, stated that he would "not be called President of the Republic, but Head of State of the Transition". According to the plans for the transition, Djotodia would not stand as a candidate for president in the election that would conclude the transition. On 13 September 2013,
Djotodia formally disbanded
Séléka, which he had lost effective control of once the coalition had taken power. This had little actual effect in stopping abuses by the militia soldiers who were now referred to as Ex-Séléka. Self-defense militias called
Anti-balaka previously formed to fight crime on a local level, had organized into militias against abuses by Séléka soldiers. On 5 December 2013, called "A Day That Will Define Central African Republic", the Anti-balaka militias coordinated an attack on
Bangui against its
Muslim population, killing more than 1,000 civilians, in an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow Djotodia. On 14 May,
CAR's PM
Nicolas Tiangaye requested a
UN peacekeeping force from the
UN Security Council, and on 31 May former president
Bozizé was indicted for crimes against humanity and incitement of genocide. On the same day as the 5 December attacks, the UN Security Council authorized the transfer of
MICOPAX to the
African Union–led peacekeeping mission, the
International Support Mission in the Central African Republic (MISCA or AFISM-CAR), with troop numbers increasing from 2,000 to 6,000; it also authorized the
French peacekeeping mission called
Operation Sangaris. yet the conflict still continued. The National Transitional Council elected the new interim president of the
Central African Republic after
Alexandre-Ferdinand Nguendet became the Acting Chief of State. Nguendet, being the president of the provisional parliament and viewed as being close to Djotodia, did not run for the election under diplomatic pressure. On 20 January 2014,
Catherine Samba-Panza, the mayor of
Bangui, was elected as the interim president in the second round voting. Samba-Panza was viewed as having been neutral and away from clan clashes. Her arrival to the presidency was generally accepted by both the
Ex-Séléka and the
Anti-balaka sides. Following the election, Samba-Panza made a speech in the parliament appealing to the Ex-Séléka and the Anti-balaka for putting down their weapons.
Ex-Séléka and Anti-balaka fighting (2014–2020) formed to fight against
Séléka and its succeeding rebel militias. succeeded interim head
Catherine Samba-Panza to become president after the
2016 election. In January 2014,
Séléka leaders left
Bangui under the escort of
Chadian peacekeepers. The aftermath of
Djotodia's presidency was said to be without law, a functioning police and courts leading to a wave of violence against
Muslims. In February 2016, after a peaceful
election, the former prime minister
Faustin-Archange Touadéra was elected president. Since 2014, there has been little government control outside of the capital. The
European Union decided to set up its first military operations in six years when foreign ministers approved the sending of up to 1,000 soldiers to the country by the end of February, to be based around
Bangui.
Estonia promised to send soldiers, while
Lithuania,
Slovenia,
Finland,
Belgium,
Poland and
Sweden were considering sending troops; Germany,
Italy and Great Britain announced that they would not send soldiers. The
UN Security Council unanimously voted to approve sending European Union troops and to give them a mandate to use force, as well as threatening sanctions against those responsible for the violence. The E.U. had pledged 500 troops to aid
African and French troops already in the country. Specifically the resolution allowed for the use of "
all necessary measures" to protect civilians. The first batch of 55
EUFOR troops arrived in
Bangui, according to the French army, and carried out its first patrol on 9 April with the intention of "
maintaining security and training local officers". On 15 February, France announced that it would send an additional 400 troops to the country. French president
François Hollande's office called for "
increased solidarity" with the
CAR and for the United Nations Security Council to accelerate the deployment of peacekeeping troops to the CAR.
Ban Ki-moon then also called for the rapid deployment of 3,000 additional international peacekeepers. Because of increasing violence, on 10 April 2014, the UN Security Council transferred MISCA to a UN peacekeeping operation called the
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) with 10,000 troops, to be deployed in September that year. France called for a vote at the
UNSC in April 2014 and expected a unanimous resolution authorising 10,000 troops and 1,800 police to replace the over 5,000
African Union soldiers on 15 September; the motion was then approved. After an incident where civilians were killed that involved
Chadian soldiers, Chad announced the withdrawal of its forces from MISCA in April 2014. In October 2016,
France announced that it was ending its peacekeeping mission in the country,
Operation Sangaris, and largely withdrew its troops, saying that the operation was a success.
peacekeepers in
Bangui authorized the transition of peacekeeping from the
African Union led
MISCA to a
United Nations peacekeeping mission called
MINUSCA in 2014. A ceasefire was signed on 24 July 2014 in
Brazzaville, between Ex-Séléka, represented by General Mohamed Moussa Dhaffane, The Séléka delegation had pushed for a formalization of the partition of the
Central African Republic with
Muslims in the north and
Christians in the south but dropped that demand in talks. Many factions on the ground claimed the talks were not representative and fighting continued Ngaïssona told a general assembly of Anti-balaka fighters and supporters to lay down their arms and that Anti-balaka would be turned into a political party called Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) but he had little control over the loose network of fighters. In May 2015, a national reconciliation conference organized by the transitional government of the Central Africa Republic took place. This was called the
Bangui National Forum. The forum resulted in the adoption of a Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation and Reconstruction and the signature of a Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Repatriation (DDRR) agreement among nine of ten armed groups. In January 2015, talks in
Nairobi between Joachim Kokate representing the Anti-balaka and
Djotodia and
Adam of FPRC led to another ceasefire agreement where they called for amnesty for all perpetrators of abuses and the removal of the current transitional authorities. The transitional government and the international community dismissed the deal as it excluded them from the negotiations and termed the parties "Nairobists". In June 2017, another ceasefire was signed in
Rome by the government and 14 armed groups including FPRC, but the next day fighting between an FPRC faction and Anti-balaka militias killed more than 100 people. In October 2017, another ceasefire was signed between the UPC, the FPRC, and Anti-balaka groups, and FPRC announced
Ali Darassa as coalition vice-president, but fighting continued afterward. After talks in
Khartoum, an
African Union led initiative led to an accord between the government and 14 rebel groups in February 2019 called the Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation, the eighth such agreement since the war started in 2012. As part of the accord,
Ali Darassa of UPC,
Mahamat Al-Khatim of MPC and
Sidiki Abass of 3R were given positions as special military advisers to the prime minister's office overseeing special mixed units made of government and rebel soldiers in regions of the country that they already controlled. This did not stop the violence, with 3R killing more than 50 people in several villages in May 2019, leading to MINUSCA to launch a military operation against them. In addition to the largely Muslim Ex-Séléka, newer largely Muslim rebel groups also formed that often fought alongside Ex-Séléka groups. Months after the official dissolution of
Séléka it was not known who was in charge of Ex-Séléka factions during talks with Anti-balaka until on 12 July 2014,
Michel Djotodia was reinstated as the head of an ad hoc coalition of Ex-Séléka which renamed itself "
The Popular Front for the Rebirth (or Renaissance) of Central African Republic" (FPRC). Later in 2014,
Noureddine Adam led the FPRC and began demanding independence for the predominantly
Muslim north, a move rejected by another general,
Ali Darassa, Darassa rebuffed multiple attempts to reunify Séléka and threatened FPRC's hegemony. on 14 December 2015 and intended Bambari as the capital, claiming to be protecting Muslim
Fulani people from an Anti-balaka militia led by Abbas Rafal. They are accused of displacing 17,000 people in November 2016 and at least 30,000 people in the
Ouham-Pendé prefecture in December 2016. was led by Ahamat Bahar, a former member and co-founder of FPRC and MRC, and is allegedly backed by Fulani fighters from
Chad. The Christian militant group RJ was formed in 2013, mostly by members of the presidential guard of former president
Ange-Félix Patassé, and were composed mainly of ethnic
Sara-Kaba. While both groups had previously divided the territory in the Northwest, tensions erupted after the killing of RJ leader, Clément Bélanga, in November 2017. n
BRDM-2 armored vehicles to
Central African Republic, October 2020 Largely Muslim Ex-Séléka militias began fighting each other around ethnic lines. The FPRC associated with the
Gula and
Runga people and the UPC associated with the
Fulani. of FPRC who previously led the military wing of
Séléka, was killed by MINUSCA after crossing one of the red lines. At the same time, MINUSCA negotiated the removal of
Ali Darassa from the city. This led to UPC to find new territory, spreading the fighting from urban to rural areas previously spared. Additionally, the thinly spread MINUSCA relied on
Ugandan as well as
American special forces to keep the peace in the southeast, as they were part of a campaign to eliminate the
Lord's Resistance Army, but the mission ended in April 2017. About 15,000 people fled from their homes in an attack in May and six
U.N. peacekeepers were killed – the deadliest month for the mission yet. By July 2018 the FPRC was headed by Abdoulaye Hissène and based in the northeastern town of
N'Délé. The other ethnic violence among the largely Muslim Ex-Séléka was between
Gula and
Kara on one side and
Runga on the other. In 2019, fighters from the Gula and Kara split from the mostly Runga FPRC. In the
2020 N'Délé clashes, Runga factions of FPRC fought the Goula and Kara rebel groups MLCJ, RPRC and the splinter FPRC faction.
Government counteroffensive with Russian support (2021–present) on 3 January 2021 at the height of
CPC control On 19 December 2020 six rebel groups who together control two-thirds of the country's territory, including
3R,
FPRC, announced they had formed an alliance called the
Coalition of Patriots for Change (CPC), and accused President
Touadéra of trying to rig the
election scheduled for that month and stated their intent to advance to the capital. Ousted president
François Bozizé had announced his intent to run in the presidential election. Bozizé, of the
Gbaya, the country's largest ethnic group, retained much support among the population and army members. The government accused Bozizé of fomenting a coup with the rebels after his candidacy for presidential elections was rejected by the country's highest court, but Bozizé denied this. On 22 December, the CPC, in an offensive led by
UPC, had taken the country's fourth largest city,
Bambari, On 28 December, it was announced by the electoral commission that 800 (14%) of polling stations failed to operate during the presidential and legislative elections due to violent attacks from armed rebels. On 4 January, the electoral commission declared
Touadéra the winner of the presidential election. A state of emergency was declared in 25 January, and President Touadéra has been accused of using that opportunity to crack down on opponents and consolidate power. Pro-Touadéra militias known as the "Sharks" and "7th Territorial Infantry Battalion" are alleged to have been involved in disappearances of members of
Bozizé's party and former president's
Catherine Samba-Panza, as well as challengers of Touadéra in the recent polls,
Anicet-Georges Dologuélé and
Martin Ziguélé, report being prevented from exiting the country. Beginning around 2017,
Russia began to increasingly support the government of Touadéra, whose personal guard became largely Russian as well. This was largely at the expense of
France in its former colony, leading to a
disinformation campaign on
Facebook between the two powers and France suspended aid and military cooperation with the government in May 2021. Since January 2021, due to the actions of Russia's
neo-Nazi-linked
Wagner Group and neo-Nazi
Russian Imperial Movement, the rebels have been on the retreat for the first time in years. Subsequently, CAR forces, supported by the Russian contractors and Rwandan troops, captured a number of strategic towns throughout February 2021, including towns of
Bria,
Kaga-Bandoro the
Bakouma sub-prefecture,
Nzacko,
Bossembele,
Bouar, Beloko and
Bossangoa. In January 2022, Wagner
killed at least 65 civilians in Aïgbado and Yanga villages. In March 2022, Wagner launched a
large offensive against armed groups in the northern part of the country, during which they reportedly killed hundreds of civilians, mostly artisanal miners. As the rebels were being pushed back, Valery Zakharov urged them to hand over their leaders to the CAR's security forces. Towards the end of July 2021, the
CAR military was leaving the frontline against the CPC to the
PMCs. The plan was for government troops to occupy the captured positions after they had been secured by the contractors. The rebels were seen to be moving away from cities and towards peripheral areas and turning to guerilla tactics instead of open fighting. Many of the Anti-balaka groups began fighting alongside the government against the Ex-Séléka and other Muslim majority rebel groups.
Black Russians was the term used to describe mostly former Anti-balaka fighting for Wagner. In December 2021, Anti-balaka fighters fought alongside the government and Wagner against UPC and Muslim civilians in the
Boyo killings. In April 2022 a
series of intercommunal clashes involving
3R rebels and pro-government faction of
Anti-balaka led to dozens of deaths and displacement of more than 1,000 people in
Gadzi. Another government aligned group is
Azande Ani Kpi Gbe (AAKG) which formed in 2023 from
Zande self-defense groups. They pushed the UPC out of Bambouti. AAKG received training from Wagner and became known as “Wagner Zandé”. They viewed the government signing a peace deal with UPC in 2025 as a betrayal by the government and AAKG’s integration into the army was suspended. In January 2026, they clashed with government forces in
Haut-Mbomou. On 25 March 2021,
3R rebel leader
Sidiki Abass, whose group is accused of war crimes, succumbed to his injuries in the northern part of the country. In April 2021, the
UPC, then the biggest of the armed rebel groups, withdrew from the
CPC and asked to talk with the government. On 11 July 2025, The UPC and 3R signed disarmament agreements with the government of President Touadéra. The deal was precipitated by a ceasefire agreement and negotiations mediated by and ensured by Chad. Under the terms agreed to by the government and the two groups, they will totally disarm, dissolve, and reintegrate with normal society. ==Atrocities==