Support The United States supported the deal. In a press statement dated 22 May 2025, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said, "Today, the United States welcomed the historic agreement between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Mauritius on the future of the British Indian Ocean Territory—specifically, the Chagos Archipelago." He went on to confirm that the Trump administration had determined that the long-term operation of the base on Diego Garcia was secure, describing that facility as "a critical asset for regional and global security" and mentioning that President Trump also "expressed his support for this monumental achievement". On May 23, 2025, India welcomed the agreement between the United Kingdom and Mauritius for the transfer of sovereignty over the Chagos Islands, describing it as an important step in completing the decolonization of the island nation "in the spirit of international law and a rules-based order". On May 29, 2025, a roundtable took place in Mauritius. The debate at this roundtable was to develop a program that would allow a Mauritian delegation to travel to the Chagos Archipelago to raise the Mauritian flag. This will be a symbolic step toward finalizing the restitution agreement with Great Britain.
Chagossian population, representation, and political divisions Population distribution and representation The majority of Chagossians, including most native-born Chagossians, live in Mauritius, primarily in and around Port Louis. Smaller communities reside in Seychelles and several thousand in the United Kingdom, following changes to UK nationality law that allowed descendants of displaced Chagossians to claim British citizenship. In Mauritius, many Chagossians are represented by the Chagos Refugees Group (CRG), led by Olivier Bancoult, which advocates for rights of return, compensation, and has publicly supported the UK–Mauritius agreement, considering Mauritian administration consistent with international legal rulings. Chagossian communities in Seychelles have also expressed support for the treaty, with the Chagos Community of Seychelles, led by Pierre Prosper, describing the agreement between the UK and Mauritius as representing hope for eventual reinstallation and access to the islands under Mauritian administration and recognition of injustices suffered by their community.
UK-based political opposition and self-determination debate Several UK-resident Chagossians have organised politically to contest aspects of the UK–Mauritius agreement, advocating for what they consider distinct Chagossian interests and a separate voice in decisions regarding the archipelago. Some have established a self-described Chagossian Government-in-Exile and elected Misley Mandarin as leader through online polling; this body is not recognised by any government or international authority. UK-based opponents have publicly criticised the UK–Mauritius agreement on financial, sovereignty, environmental and political grounds. Some UK politicians have suggested the deal could cost £35 billion over its lifetime, though this figure applies over a 99‑year period, and critics allege Mauritius could use these funds to reduce domestic taxes. Supporters have replied that the annual cost of roughly £101 million is less than the yearly running cost of a UK aircraft carrier, as noted by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in defence of the agreement. Within this community, there are internal divisions over representation and legitimacy. According to Olivier Bancoult, some opponents in the UK are third or fourth-generation Chagossians born in Mauritius rather than first-generation “déracinés” (uprooted islanders), raising debate about which group most legitimately represents the community. Some UK-based critics argue that Chagossians should have the same right to a referendum as Gibraltarians or Falkland Islanders, who have voted on sovereignty while living on their territories. Government and legal advisers have stated that a separate referendum is not legally feasible, because Chagossians as a dispersed diaspora do not constitute a distinct territorial population under international law; self-determination rights apply to the entire population of Mauritius. Some UK-based critics also claim Mauritius “sold” the islands to achieve independence and that Mauritius's economic development occurred at the expense of Chagossians. Supporters of the treaty reject these claims, viewing them as political opinions rather than legally relevant facts. Opponents also raised financial concerns, citing nominal costs over the 99-year leaseback of Diego Garcia; government calculations using net present value indicated the effective cost is roughly equivalent to the annual operating cost of an aircraft carrier.
UK Parliamentary debate and legal issues Reasons for returning the Chagos Islands According to UK government statements and parliamentary debate, the transfer of sovereignty to Mauritius was motivated by legal, diplomatic, and strategic factors, including: • Compliance with the 2019 ICJ advisory opinion declaring UK administration unlawful; • Avoiding further international legal rulings that could affect the UK's position; • Securing the long-term operation of the US–UK military base on Diego Garcia; • Supporting welfare, economic, and infrastructure projects for Chagossians; • Strengthening maritime security and environmental cooperation in the Indian Ocean.
Parliamentary scrutiny and operational risks The House of Lords debated the treaty, emphasising the need to safeguard airspace, maritime zones, and communications infrastructure around Diego Garcia. Members highlighted that a negotiated settlement was preferable to prolonged litigation or unilateral action.
Allegations of misleading parliament In February 2026, UK
Secretary of State for Defence,
John Healey, was accused by the
Conservatives of
misleading parliament, by claiming in May 2025, that if the UK did not cede the British Indian Ocean Territory to Mauritius, it could face losing legal rulings "within weeks", and "within just a few years" the base at Diego Garcia "would become inoperable". Healy claimed that "the most proximate, and the most potentially serious" threat was the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS), however under
Article 298 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) there is an exemption for "disputes concerning military activities, including military activities by government". Following the opinion, the
United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution calling upon the United Kingdom to withdraw its colonial administration from the territory. The ICJ's findings were subsequently considered in proceedings before ITLOS in the maritime boundary dispute between Mauritius and the
Maldives. In its 2021 decision on preliminary objections, the tribunal held that the sovereignty issue regarding the Chagos Archipelago had effectively been resolved for the purposes of the case in light of the ICJ advisory opinion and the UN General Assembly resolution, and it rejected the Maldives’ argument that an unresolved sovereignty dispute prevented the delimitation of the exclusive economic zone. Legal scholars have noted that although international courts are not formally bound by precedent in the same manner as some domestic legal systems, prior judicial decisions and advisory opinions of international courts are frequently treated as authoritative interpretations of international law and may influence subsequent decisions. As a result, the reasoning adopted by ITLOS in Mauritius v. Maldives may be relevant to future cases involving the legal status of the Chagos Archipelago and maritime entitlements in the region.
International legal rulings In 2015, the Permanent Court of Arbitration (UNCLOS Arbitral Tribunal) ruled that the UK's unilateral creation of a Marine Protected Area (MPA) around the Chagos Archipelago violated UNCLOS, finding that the UK failed to consult Mauritius and respect its rights as a coastal state, including on fisheries and potential resources. In 2019, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued an advisory opinion stating that the detachment of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius was unlawful and that the UK should end its administration “as rapidly as possible.” Though non-binding, the opinion carries authoritative weight and was endorsed by UN General Assembly Resolution 73/295. The ITLOS Special Chamber, in a maritime delimitation case between Mauritius and the Maldives, recognised Mauritius as the coastal state over the Chagos Archipelago, rejecting UK arguments and establishing a final maritime boundary. Collectively, these rulings form a consistent international legal consensus affirming Mauritius's sovereignty and challenging the legitimacy of UK administration over the archipelago.
Strategic and operational considerations Supporters of the treaty emphasised that the 99-year leaseback of Diego Garcia allows continued operation of the UK–US military base while avoiding prolonged legal disputes. Parliamentary debate noted that the agreement ensures legal certainty and continuity of military operations, while mitigating risks to airspace, communications, and maritime operations. On 18 February 2026, Trump posted on
Truth Social that Keir Starmer was "making a big mistake by entering a 100 Year Lease", that the "land should not be taken away from the U.K. and, if it is allowed to be, it will be a blight on our Great Ally" and "DO NOT GIVE AWAY DIEGO GARCIA!". == See also ==