Plurality Justice
White wrote the
plurality opinion, on behalf of Justices
Stewart,
Blackmun, and
Stevens. The Court said that a punishment was "excessive in violation of the Eighth Amendment if it: (1) makes no measurable contribution to acceptable goals of punishment and hence is nothing more than the purposeless and needless imposition of pain and suffering, or (2) is grossly out of proportion to the severity of the crime The plurality held that death was an unconstitutionally excessive or disproportionate punishment for the crime of raping an adult. Coker's prior convictions and the fact that the rape was committed during the course of a robbery did not change the Court's conclusion that death was a disproportionate punishment for a rape: We have the abiding conviction that the death penalty, which is unique in its severity and irrevocability, is an excessive penalty for the rapist who, as such, does not take human life
Coker was the first Supreme Court decision to apply a proportionality requirement for sentencing under the cruel and unusual punishments clause. The court based its substantive analysis on the "evolving standards of decency" discerned from "objective evidence" like state laws and jury sentencing behavior. Writing for the plurality Justice White took the following objective criteria into consideration: • After "Furman only three state legislatures had authorized the death penalty for rape • Nine out of ten juries in Georgia had declined to impose the death penalty in rape cases But objective evidence does not dictate the outcome of the Court's proportionality analysis. The Court said that "the legislative rejection of capital punishment for rape strongly confirms our own judgment, which is that death is indeed a disproportionate penalty for the crime of raping an adult". Rape is a serious crime that is "very often accompanied by physical injury to the female and can also inflict mental and psychological damage. Because it undermines the community's sense of security, there is public injury as well." The Court characterized it as the "ultimate violation of self", second only to murder but drew a distinction between rape and murder: "Life is over for the victim of the murderer; for the rape victim, life may not be nearly so happy as it was, but it is not over and normally is not beyond repair." and
Marshall concurred in the judgment because the case struck down a death penalty, in keeping with their view that the death penalty is
per se cruel and unusual punishment.
Concurring/dissenting Justice
Powell concurred in the judgment, but he emphasized that the death penalty may be appropriate for rape if there are aggravating circumstances. He said the plurality opinion was "so sweeping as to foreclose each of the 50 state legislatures from creating a narrowly defined crime of aggravated rape".
Dissenting Chief Justice
Burger, joined by Justice
Rehnquist dissented because he believed that the proportionality principle the Court had engrafted onto the Eighth Amendment encroached too much on the legislative power of the states. Burger preferred to concentrate on the narrow facts of the case: Coker had raped three women, and killed one. He said making the penalty more severe than the criminal act was constitutionally permissible if the legislative purpose was deterrence: "Whatever one's view may be as to the State's constitutional power to impose the death penalty upon a rapist who stands before the court convicted for the first time, this case reveals a chronic rapist whose continuing danger to the community is abundantly clear." Burger defended a state's prerogative to impose additional punishment for recidivists, including a death sentence for prisoners who commit crimes. Congress had enacted an early
three-strikes law, and the federal crime of assault on a mail carrier carried a stiffer penalty for a second such offense. Other states also carried harsher penalties for "habitual criminality." He believed that "the Eighth Amendment does not prevent the State from taking an individual's 'well-demonstrated propensity for life-endangering behavior' into account in devising punitive measures which will prevent inflicting further harm upon innocent victims." He wrote that if the Court was serious about sanctioning the continued use of the death penalty, it should allow states to use it in appropriate circumstances, and disagreed with the Court's conclusion that there were no circumstances under which it was a proportional response to crime. Such a conclusion turned the Court into "the ultimate arbiter of the standards of criminal responsibility in diverse areas of the criminal law throughout the country." That was an inappropriate role for the Court to assume in the American federal system. He felt that
Furman had injected enough uncertainty into the debate over capital punishment; it was more expedient to allow subsequent legislative developments to evolve. Burger disagreed with the Court's assessment of the retribution and deterrence value of the death penalty for rape. He thought that the death penalty might deter at least one prospective rapist. It might encourage victims to report the crime. It might increase the general feeling of security among members of the community. The fact that the magnitude of the harm caused by the murderer is greater than that caused by the rapist was beside the point. The Eighth Amendment was not the
Code of Hammurabi; if "innocent life and limb are to be preserved I see no constitutional barrier in punishing by death all who engage in... criminal activity which consistently poses serious danger of death or serious bodily harm." Thus, the Court had no place dictating how the states might make law in the criminal arena. ==Impact==