Use in the 1990s Compassionate conservatism has been defined as the belief that
conservatism and
compassion complement each other. A compassionate conservative might see the social problems of the
United States, such as
health care or
immigration, as issues that are better solved through cooperation with private companies, charities, and religious institutions rather than directly through government departments. As former Bush chief speechwriter
Michael Gerson put it, "Compassionate conservatism is the theory that the government should encourage the effective provision of social services without providing the service itself." Magnet and Olasky said 19th century compassionate conservatism was based in part on the
Christian doctrine of
original sin, which held that "Man is sinful and likely to want something for nothing. … Man's sinful nature leads to indolence." In the words of Magnet, Compassionate conservative philosophy argues for policies in support of
traditional families,
welfare reform to promote individual responsibility (cf.
workfare), active policing, standards-based schools (cf.
No Child Left Behind Act), and assistance (economic or otherwise) to poor countries around the world.
U.S. president George W. Bush said: Bush began his presidency hoping to make compassionate conservatism his centerpiece. After the
September 11, 2001 attacks, he focused less on this theme, but, according to professor and author
Ira Chernus, its fundamental ideas became central in his rhetoric about the
war on terrorism.
Reception and criticism Nicholas Lemann, writing in
New Yorker magazine in 2015, wrote that George W. Bush's "description of himself, in the 2000 campaign, as a 'compassionate conservative' was brilliantly vague—liberals heard it as 'I'm not all that conservative,' and conservatives heard it as 'I'm deeply religious.' It was about him as a person, not a program." In a July 1999 speech to the
Democratic Leadership Council, then-President
Bill Clinton criticized Bush's "compassionate conservative" self-description, saying: "This 'compassionate conservatism' has a great ring to it, you know? It sounds so good. And I've really worked hard to try to figure out what it means... I made an honest effort, and near as I can tell, here's what it means: It means, 'I like you. I do. And I would like to be for the
patients' bill of rights and I'd like to be for closing the
gun show loophole, and I'd like not to squander the surplus and, you know, save Social Security and Medicare for the next generation. I'd like to raise the
minimum wage. I'd like to do these things. But I just can't, and I feel terrible about it. Similarly, in December 2005, then-British Prime Minister
Tony Blair, speaking in the
House of Commons, said: "the only difference between compassionate conservatism and conservatism is that under compassionate conservatism they tell you they're not going to help you but they're really sorry about it." Some critics of George W. Bush criticized the phrase "compassionate conservatism" as simply sugarcoating, an empty phrase to make traditional conservatism sound more appealing to moderate voters. Liberal commentator
Joe Conason, noting Bush's policy of tax cuts, wrote in 2003 that "so far, being a 'compassionate conservative' appears to mean nothing very different from being a hardhearted, stingy, old-fashioned conservative." Others on the left have viewed it as an effort to remove America's social safety net out of the hands of the government and give it to Christian churches. "Liberals make a big mistake if they dismiss 'compassionate conservatism' as just a hypocritical catch phrase", wrote
University of Colorado religion professor Ira Chernus. "For the right, it is a serious scheme to give tax dollars to churches through so-called '
faith-based initiatives. Nobel Prize–winning
Keynesian economist and columnist
Paul Krugman has called it a "
dog whistle" to the religious right, referencing Marvin Olasky's
The Tragedy of American Compassion, who believed the poor must help themselves and that poverty was the fault not of society but of the poor and of social workers. Krugman endorses
Digby's analysis that right-wing compassionate 'charity' assumes that the giver has the right to investigate and dictate the life of the receiver, even for the smallest charity. Conversely, the phrase has also been attacked from the right.
John J. DiIulio, Jr. wrote that Bush's "Duty of Hope" speech, delivered in
Indianapolis in May 1999, drew a "negative reaction from his party's right wings. ... Many Republican conservative activists hated the center-hugging 'compassionate conservative.' Others favored it, but only as a rhetorical
Trojan Horse. If a 'compassionate conservative' was actually a government-shrinking libertarian in religious drag, then fine. But, if Bush really meant what he said,
Gore-like, about volunteerism not being enough .... or about rejecting as 'destructive' the Reagan-tested idea that government itself is the main problem, then many conservative Republicans would not suffer it."
Herman Cain criticized the idea of "compassionate conservatism" as leading to the Bush administration's increased government spending, saying that it "completely betrayed conservative voters and their decades of grassroots activism", and "alienated the party's conservative base", noting Bush policies such as the
Medicare prescription-drug benefit, which increased the size of the
Medicare program by around $500 billion. In 2006, conservative commentator
Jonah Goldberg has written that compassionate conservatism as implemented by George W. Bush differs markedly from the theoretical concept: "As countless writers have noted in
National Review over the last five years, most conservatives never really understood what compassionate conservatism was, beyond a convenient marketing slogan to attract swing voters. The reality—as even some members of the Bush team will sheepishly concede—is that there was nothing behind the curtain." Similarly, conservative commentator
Fred Barnes wrote: "Bush has famously defined himself as a compassionate conservative with a positive agenda. Almost by definition, this makes him a big government conservative."
Matt Miller said that the
Democratic Party needs to reject
Clintonism, and also compassionate conservatism and want to find a "Fourth Way".
Mike Pence stated "Whether it's called 'compassionate conservatism' or 'big government Republicanism,' after years of record increases in federal spending, more government is now the accepted Republican philosophy in Washington.".
Decline The phrase and the idea of compassionate conservativism declined after the Bush administration left office. In December 2011, Christian commentator
Jim Wallis of
Sojourners, citing harsh rhetoric toward the poor and immigrants from
candidates for the 2012 Republican presidential nomination, wrote that "the compassionate conservative agenda has virtually disappeared from the Republican Party." In January 2012, commentator
Amy Sullivan wrote that "Just three years after George W. Bush left the White House, compassionate conservatives are an endangered species. In the new
Tea Party era, they've all but disappeared from Congress, and their philosophy is reviled within the GOP as big-government conservatism." Sullivan noted that Republican presidential candidates "have jostled to take the hardest line in opposing government-funded programs to help the poor." ==Other uses==