Discourses on Livy comprises a dedication letter and three books with a total of 142 numbered chapters. The first two books, but not the third, are introduced by unnumbered prefaces. Much attention has been given to the fact that Livy's
History also contained 142 books along with an introduction, as well as to other
numerological curiosities present in Machiavelli's writings. At the end of chapter one of Book I, Machiavelli outlines the structure of his work. In Livy's
History, Machiavelli observes that Rome's actions are divided into two dichotomies: those taken through public counsel or private counsel, and those occurring either inside or outside the city. The first book focuses on actions taken inside the city by public counsel. The second book, as Machiavelli later notes at the end of the second preface, addresses public counsel regarding matters outside the city. Although this structure would seem to suggest the need for two additional books, there is only one more, which deals with private counsel concerning both internal and external matters.
Dedicatory letter Machiavelli dedicates the
Discourses to two friends, Zanobi Buondelmonti and Cosimo Rucellai, both of whom appear in Machiavelli's
Art of War. Rucellai had died in 1519, but this did not lead Machiavelli to find a new dedicatee, as he had with
The Prince. Machiavelli justifies dedicating the
Discourses to his two friends because they deserve to be princes, even if they lack principalities, and he criticizes the custom (which he had adopted in
The Prince) of dedicating works to men who are princes but do not deserve to be. In the preface to Book I, Machiavelli explains why he wrote the
Discourse, noting that he brings new modes and orders—a dangerous task given the envy of men, but one motivated by the desire to work for the common benefit of humanity. He also notes that while his work may not be perfect, it deserves to be heard, because it will aid others after him in fulfilling his vision. He complains that the
Italian Renaissance has stimulated a desire to imitate the ancients in art, law, and medicine, but that no one thinks of imitating ancient kingdoms or
republics. He traces this to an improper reading of history that suggests that imitation of ancient political virtue is impossible. He declares his intention to overcome this view of the ancient world by examining Livy and modern politics.
Types of governments and rulers Book I begins by explaining how a city is formed, which is done either by natives to the area or by foreigners, citing specific examples such as Athens and Venice. Machiavelli then explains this idea and states that this greatly changes the way a city is viewed, in particular for Rome. He states that there are six main different types of government, three of which are good, but "no precaution will prevent it from slipping into its opposite, so closely are the virtues and vices of the two related." Namely,
monarchy,
aristocracy, and
democracy will become
tyranny,
oligarchy, and
anarchy, respectively. Machiavelli then tries to determine what type of government Rome was; he says it was a republic, mixing all three functional political systems together, which kept the violent tendencies of one another in check. Machiavelli then delves into more historical events. Once the Tarquins left Rome there seemed to be peace and alliance between the patricians and the plebs, but this in fact was untrue. This disunity resulted in Rome evolving into a Republic. Moving on, he says that a republic has the opportunity to emerge as an empire, like Rome, or just maintain what it is. Also, allowing people to accuse other citizens is necessary in creating a republic, but calumnies, whispered allegations that cannot be proven or disproven in a court, are harmful because they cause mistrust and help create factionalism. Machiavelli then goes into how a founder of a republic must "act alone" and gain absolute power to form a lasting regime. He cites
Romulus's murder of his own brother
Remus and co-ruler
Titus Tatius in order to gain power. Machiavelli then excuses Romulus for his crimes, saying he acted for the common good in bringing "civil life" in Rome's founding. Machiavelli ranks then which rulers are most praiseworthy, the first of which being leaders who lead due to religion, then those who lead because they created a republic or kingdom. Religion in Rome was cited as a primary cause for joy in the city as it is truly an important element. He also states that Livy gives many examples of when religion was utilized to restructure the city. He says
Numa Pompilius was more important to Rome than Romulus for bringing
the kingdom to arms by using religion. While Machiavelli believes that religion is absolutely necessary for maintaining a government, he also believes in the power and influence of fortune, without which the Roman government would have never broken from the cycle of government demonstrated by
Polybius. Fortune acts similarly to the activity of gods, yet it is different in that it exists naturally and benefits those who demonstrate virtue. He criticizes the
Catholic Church's ineffectiveness in unifying Italy, writing: The
Samnites were defeated by the Romans several times, and in order to change this they decided to find a new approach to their religion.
On corruption and reform Machiavelli speaks on corruption, and how hard it is to sustain a republic where it has recently been freed from monarchy. He says that to sustain a republic in a newly freed city, it is necessary to "Kill the sons of Brutus" (referring to
Lucius Junius Brutus's execution of his own sons), that is make violent examples out of the enemies of the free regime. He also gives similar advice to "princes who have become tyrants of their fatherlands". Machiavelli then states that to keep a corrupt republic free, it is necessary to use extraordinary means, and bring the state under an "almost kingly power". Discussing the subject of restoring freedom, Machiavelli explains that freedom becomes an issue once a type of government shifts. He explains that the Romans were not corrupt when they regained their freedom and could thus keep it. Questioning what mode a free state can be maintained in a corrupt city, he states that Rome had orders, which kept the citizens checked. He then goes into a discussion of the rulers of Rome and how a strong or weak Prince can maintain or destroy a kingdom. He continues to say that after a weak prince a kingdom could not remain strong with another weak prince. Luckily, the first three kings each had a certain strength, which aided the city. Romulus was fierce, Numa was religious, and
Tullus was dedicated to war. The book then slightly shifts focus to discussing the reformation of a state. Machiavelli explains that if one wants to change a state they must keep some elements of the previous state. Also, he says that a Prince or republic should not deny citizens necessities. He then conveys that having a dictatorial authority was beneficial for the City of Rome because a republic cannot always make the quick decisions demanded by a crisis, and in these cases one person can do a better job than the rest. Rome benefited because the office of Dictator was written into the constitution so it could be exercised legitimately and then retired during the emergency. Continuing with this, weak republics are not truly able to make important decisions and that any change will come from necessity. He also goes into a discussion about how to establish and maintain a tyrannical government, using the example of
Appius Claudius, an individual who was unwise in approaching this endeavor. He states that those who are successful in establishing absolutist regimes attack the nobles by appealing to the people, then oppress the people when all of their enemies are eliminated. The themes of pride and corruption appear many times throughout
The Discourses and Machiavelli believes that it is very easy for a person to be corrupted. It is also good for a soldier to have the desire to fight for personal pride and glory. Towards the end of Book I, Machiavelli adds that great accidents that occur in a city usually come with some kind of sign. This sign could be divine or seen through a revelation. He gives the particular example that in Florence, right before the death of
Lorenzo de' Medici the Elder, a cathedral was hit by lightning. Machiavelli explains that Livy stated that people are strong together, but weak when alone, citing the example of the Roman plebs. Machiavelli feels that the multitude is wiser than the one prince. Thus, Book I examines a variety of issues that occur when creating a state, and looks at it with specific examples from Rome and other parts of Italy.
Book II Chapter 1 debates whether Virtue or Fortune had more of a cause of the empire that the Romans acquired. There were many opinions equally distributed to both sides, and there is not final consensus on which had more of a cause, virtue or fortune. Chapter 2 discusses what people the Romans had to combat, and that they obstinately defended their freedom. In this chapter he also goes into why he thinks that republics are better than principalities. Chapter 3 talks about how Rome had its rise to power through their ruining of surrounding cities, making Rome the primary power of the region. Chapter 4 lists the three modes of expanding that republics have taken. Also, Machiavelli gives the reasoning and background information for why these three modes of expanding that the republic took were necessary. Chapter 5 talks about how memories can be lost due to issues such as language barriers, floods, or even plague. Chapter 6 talks about how the Romans went about making war. He claims that their goal for war was to be short and massive. Chapter 7 talks about how much land the Romans gave per Colonist. He claims that this would be tough to determine because it depended on the places where they sent the colonists. Chapter 8 discusses the cause why peoples leave their ancestral places and inundate the country of others. He blames it either on famine or on war that has taken over their land and they must move on to something new. Chapter 9 he talks about what factors commonly cause wars. He says there are many different reasons for disputes. Chapter 10 talks about how the common opinion of money being the sinew of war is actually incorrect. Faith and benevolence of men is what makes war what it is. Chapter 11 talks about the idea that becoming friends with a prince who has more reputation than force is not something that would go unnoticed. People were looking for good connections, and the prince who has a better reputation is better off than the one with better force. Chapter 12 talks about whether it is better to wait to be attacked if you feel it is coming, or if you should make the first move. Chapter 13 talks about how a person comes from base to great fortune more through fraud than through force. He thinks that fraud makes it quicker and easier for a person to succeed, so force is not needed as much. Chapter 14 talks about how men confuse themselves into believing that through humility, they will conquer pride. Claims that humility and pride are two separate things and do not go hand in hand. Chapter 15 claims that the resolutions of weak states will always be ambiguous, and that slow decisions, no matter who or what is making them, are always hurtful. Chapter 16 talks about how much the soldiers of his time did not conform to the ancient orders. Values and ideologies were being lost, and soldiers just were not the same as they used to be. Chapter 17 talks about how much artillery should be esteemed by armies in the present times, and whether the opinion universally held of it is true. Many different opinions are voiced in the chapter, and each has a valid argument to go along with it. Chapter 18 talks about how the Authority of the Romans and by the example of the ancient military infantry should be esteemed more than the horse. Claimed that the military esteemed the military on foot much more than military on horseback. Chapter 19 talks about how the acquisitions by Republics that are not well ordered and that do not proceed according to Roman virtue are for their ruin, not their exaltation. Chapter talks in detail about the different outlooks people have. Chapter 20 talks about and asks what danger the prince or republic runs that avails itself of Auxiliary or mercenary military. Says that having these services admits you are weak and is not something that is necessarily respectable. Chapter 21 says the first praetor the Romans sent anyplace was to Capua, four hundred years after they began making war. Claims that the Romans were changing things and were acting differently from past precedents. Chapter 22 talks about how false the opinions of men often are in judging great things. Says that the best men are treated poorly during the quiet times because of envy or from other ambitions. Chapter 23 talks about how much the Romans, in judging subjects for some accidents that necessitated such judgment, fled from the
middle way (which he criticizes) in regards to punishments. Chapter 24 claims that fortresses are generally much more harmful than useful. They did not build fortresses to protect them because they were of another virtue to that of building them. Chapter 25 says to assault a disunited city so as to seize it by means of its disunion is a contradictory policy. Chapter 26 claims vilification and abuse generate hatred against those who use them, without any utility to them. He is saying that the abuse that men do to women is something that brings hatred not only from the victim, but from everyone who hears about it as well. Chapter 27 says for prudent princes and republics, it should be enough to conquer, for most often when it is not enough, one loses. He is saying that people should be happy with what they get, because if they try to get more than they can handle, they end up losing it all. Chapter 28 says how dangerous it is for a republic or a prince not to avenge an injury done against the public or against a private person. Chapter 29 claims that fortune blinds the spirits of men when it does not wish them to oppose its plans. This means that fate will take its toll on what men do and do not do. Chapter 30 says that truly powerful republics and princes buy friendships not with money, but with virtue and reputation of strength. Chapter 31 talks about how dangerous it is to believe the banished. He is talking about how there should be no circumstances in which someone should believe another individual who has been kicked out of the country. Clearly they did wrong, and one does not need that kind of negative influence in one's life. Chapter 32 talks about how many modes the Romans seized towns. He talks about the different advantages to seizing towns in different ways, both weighing the pros and cons such as cost and efficiency. Chapter 33 talks about how the Romans gave free commissions to their captains of armies. They valued these men and what they did so much that they were willing to give free commissions in order to show them how they felt about them.
Book III Chapter 1 of Book 3 starts with a heading: "If one wishes a sect or republic to live long, it is necessary to draw it back often towards its beginning." have a natural ending. If any of these worldly things are altered and changed from its normal course, "it is for its safety and not to its harm." In Machiavelli's opinion, the sacking of Rome was deserved since the Romans had lost sight of all the things their forefathers had told them to follow. Machiavelli, in fact, refers to Gaul's attack on Rome as an "external beating". In the Roman Republic, "the orders that drew the Roman republic back toward its beginning were the tribunes of the plebs, the censors, and all the other laws that went against the ambition and the insolence of men." He relates this to his native Florence, where "from 1434 up to 1494", such things were done "to regain the state...otherwise, it was difficult to maintain it." He is referring to the way in which Brutus removed the Tarquins from Rome "to live more securely and to maintain his patrimony..." Machiavelli concludes the chapter, writing, "Thus one must play crazy, like Brutus, and make oneself very much mad, praising, speaking, seeing, doing things against your intent so as to please the prince." The heading of Chapter 4 is, "A prince does not live secure in a principality while those who have been despoiled of it are living." The topic of Chapter 5 is "What makes a king who is heir to a kingdom lose it." It is in a prince's interests to rule well for "when men are governed well they do not seek or wish for any other freedom." He cites the verdict of Cornelius Tacitus as someone everyone should fellow, as it says that "men have to honor past things and obey present ones; and they should desire good princes and tolerate them, however they may be made. And truly, whoever does otherwise, most often ruins himself and his fatherland." Much like how in Chapter 5, there is incentive to being a good ruler. Machiavelli writes that "property and honor are two things that offend men more than any other offense, from which the prince should guard himself." Machiavelli gives examples of how any man can create a conspiracy, ranging from the nobleman who assassinated King Philip of Macedon to the Spanish peasant who stabbed King Ferdinand in the neck." Though any man can lead a conspiracy, only great men can perfectly execute it. Dangers are found in conspiracies at three times: before, in the deed, and after. Machiavelli writes that when a conspiracy has been exposed, it takes a great man to surrender only himself and not his fellow conspirators. The modern examples of these kind men are few, but Machiavelli cites Livy's example of "the conspiracy made against Hieronymus, king of Syracuse, in which Theodorus, one of the conspirators, was taken and with great virtue concealed all the conspirators and accused the friends of the king". Another example from Roman history Machiavelli raises is the
Pisonian conspiracy against
Nero. He then takes examples of conspiracy to his own time, writing of the
conspiracy of the Pazzi against
Lorenzo and
Giuliano de' Medici. Failure to execute a conspiracy results only from the executor's own cowardice and lack of spirit. The topic for Chapter 7 summarizes the entire entry: "Whence it arises that changes from freedom to servitude and from servitude to freedom are some of them without blood, some of them full of it." Machiavelli cites the bloodless expulsion of the Tarquins from Ancient Rome and from his own period, the expulsion of the
Medici family in 1494, as examples of such nonviolent changes. Machiavelli begins Chapter 8 stating that "...a wicked citizen cannot work for ill in a republic that is not corrupt." Chapter 9 concerns "How one must vary with the times if one wishes always to have good fortune." Machiavelli writes, "I have often considered that the cause of the bad and of the good fortune of men is the matching of the mode of one's proceeding with the times." Chapter 10 pertains to the fact that "a captain cannot flee battle when the adversary wishes him to engage in it in any mode." Machiavelli refers to those princes or republics who send out others to represent them in war as "effeminate." He believes that these republics and princes are following the footsteps of Fabius Maximus, "who in deferring combat saved the state for the Romans." Machiavelli begins Chapter 11 explaining the considerable power to the tribunes of the plebs (or "of the people"): "The power of the tribunes of the plebs in the city of Rome was great, and it was necessary, as had been discoursed of by us many times, because otherwise one would not have been able to place a check on the ambition of the nobility, which would have corrupted that republic a long time before it did corrupt itself." Machiavelli desires to talk about modern examples, however; he brings up when, in 1483, all the Italian states declared war on Venice. When they could no longer field an army, they corrupted the duke of Milan and were able to regain any towns they had lost and part of the state of Ferrara. According to Machiavelli, this is an important duty for the captain of any army. In the second paragraph, Machiavelli states, "when he assaults a town, a captain ought to contrive with all diligence to lift such necessity from its defenders, and in consequence such obstinacy—if they have fear of punishment, he promises pardon, and if they had fear for their freedom. He shows he does not go against the common good but against the ambitious few in the city, which has many times made campaigns and captures of towns easier." From Livy's writing, Machiavelli cites an example when Camillus, already inside of the city of the Veientes with his army, commanded, loud enough for the inhabitants to hear him, that no one should hurt those who are unarmed. Chapter 13 begins with a question: "Which is more to be trusted, a good captain who has a weak army or a good army that has a weak captain." Chapter 14 concerns "What effects new inventions that appear in the middle of the fight and new voices that are heard may produce." Machiavelli cites the example of Quintius, who "seeing one of the wings of his army bending, began to cry out loudly that it should stand steady because the other wing of the army was victorious, and—this word having given spirit to his men and terrified the enemy—he won." Such actions would control the morale of the army. Chapter 15's topic is "That one individual and not many should be put over an army; and that several commanders hurt." Machiavelli references an incident in Roman history when the Romans created four tribunes with consular power to control the colony of Fidenae. "They left one of them for the guarding of Rome and sent three against the Fidantes and the Veientes. Because they were divided among themselves and disunited, they brought back dishonor and not harm." Machiavelli writes that "It has always been, and will always be, that great and rare men are neglected in a republic in peaceful times." Nicias was against the Athenian invasion of Sicily during the Peloponnesian War since he believed Athens was already on the verge of victory; the spectacular failure of the invasion changed the tide of the war. He relates this belief to a moment in Florentine history; when, in 1494, "the city came upon one individual who showed how armies have to be commanded, who was Antonio Giacomini. While dangerous wars had to be made, all the ambition of the other citizens ceased, and in the choice of commissioner and head of the armies he had no competitor..." At the beginning of Chapter 17, Machiavelli asserts that "A republic ought to consider very much not putting someone over any important administration to whom any notable injury had been done by another." He brings up the consul Claudius Nero, who "throughout the city he was spoken of indecently, not without great dishonor and indignation for him." Close to the end of the Roman civil war between Brutus and Cassius and Marc Antony and Octavian, Brutus won the battle on his wing but Cassius believed that Brutus had actually lost. Thinking the battle to be all but over, Cassius killed himself. In Chapter 19, Machiavelli states that "it appears in governing a multitude, it is better to be humane rather than proud, merciful rather than cruel." Chapter 21 is titled "Whence it arises that with a different mode of proceeding Hannibal produced those same effects in Italy as Scipio did in Spain." When the Roman Scipio Africanus entered Spain, his humanity and mercy immediately made the entire province friendly to him. In a similar manner, when Hannibal marched through Italy, many cities rebelled and followed him. Machiavelli believes such things occurred because "men are desirous of new things, so much that most often those who are well off desire newness as much as those who are badly off...this desire makes the doors open to everyone who makes himself head of an innovation in a province." Machiavelli begins the chapter relating the story of "two excellent captains in Rome at one and the same time, Manlius Torquatus and Valerius Corvinus. They lived in Rome with like virtue, with like triumphs and glory, and each of them, in what pertained to the enemy, acquired it with like virtue; but in what belonged to the armies and to their dealings with the soldiers, they proceeded very diversely. For Manlius commanded his soldiers with every kind of severity...Valerius, on the other hand, dealt with them with every humane mode and means and full of a familiar domesticity." As one can assume from the title, two very different men achieved very similar glory. Later on, Machiavelli asserts that "to command strong things one must be strong; and he who is of this strength and who commands them cannot then make them observed with mildness. But whoever is not of this strength of spirit ought to guard himself from extraordinary commands and can use his humanity in ordinary ones..." He concludes the chapter stating that the behavior of Manlius and Valerius fit specific needs: "the proceedings of Valerius is useful in a prince and pernicious in a citizen, not only to the fatherland but to himself: to it, because those modes prepare the way for tyranny; to himself, because in suspecting his mode of proceeding, his city is constrained to secure itself against him to his harm. So by the contrary I affirm that the proceeding of Manlius is harmful in a prince and useful in a citizen, and especially to the fatherland..." Chapter 23 concerns "For what cause Camillus was expelled from Rome." When the people were denied their part of the loot, they rebelled against Camillus. In Chapter 25. Machiavelli states that "the most useful thing that may be ordered in a free way of life is that the citizens be kept poor." He recalls the story of the great Cincinnatus, who, when the Rome was in grave danger, was made dictator by the Senate and saved the Republic. When the battle was over, he surrendered his power and returned to his small villa. His humbleness or "poverty" became something future Romans tried to emulate. Machiavelli concludes the chapter writing, "One could show with a long speech how much better fruits poverty produced than riches, and how the one has honored cities, provinces, sects, and the other has ruined them..." He raises the example of Lucretia, whose rape by Tarquin the Proud's son ultimately led the exile of the Tarquin family from Rome and destruction of the Roman monarchy. Referring to when the Romans handled tumult the leaders of a divided city they had recently conquered (Ardea), Machiavelli believes that there are three possible ways to handle the leaders of rebellion within a held city: "...either to kill them, as they did; or to remove them from the city; or to make them make peace together under obligations not to offend one another." He establishes that it is impossible to rule a divided city. Machiavelli relates it to a moment in Roman history when there was considerable famine and the wealthy man Spurius Maelius planned to distribute grain to win over the favor of the Plebs. Maelius planned to become dictator with this favor but was executed by the senate before he could do so. Machiavelli establishes that "Princes should not complain of any sin that the people whom they have to govern commit, for it must be that such sins arise either by negligence or by his being stained with like errors." Chapter 30 pertains to how envy must be eliminated if a man wants to do good work in the republic, and that if one sees the enemy, he must order the defense of his city. Referring to envy, Machiavelli believes that "in many times that the cause that men cannot work well, since the said envy does not permit them to have the authority that is necessary to have in things of importance." If the leader of a republic is weak, then his republic will be weak. Machiavelli asserts that is necessary to have a strong military in order to have a state with "good laws or any other good thing ." Chapter 32 concerns "what modes some have held to for disturbing a peace." Machiavelli cites several examples from the
Punic Wars. The heading for Chapter 33 asserts that "If one wishes to win a battle, it is necessary to make the army confident both among themselves and in the captain." Machiavelli lists out the methods to do so: "...that it be armed and ordered well, that [its members] know one another. Nor this confidence arise except in soldiers who have been born and lived together. The captain must esteemed of a quality that they trust in his prudence." Machiavelli brings up the example of Titus Manlius who, upon rescuing his father, the "filial piety" Machiavelli writes that "since men judging things by the end, all the ill that results from it is attributed to the author of the counsel; and if good results from it, he is commended for it, but the reward by far does not counterbalance the harm." Machiavelli believes that this stereotype first arose in Livy's writings; when the Romans did battle with the Gauls. The Gauls were quick to start fights but in actual combat failed spectacularly. In Chapter 37, Machiavelli wonders "Whether small battles are necessary before the main battle; and if one wishes to avoid them, what one ought to do to know a new enemy." Pondering this question, Machiavelli writes, "For I consider, on one side, that a good captain ought altogether to avoid working for anything that is of small moment and can produce bad effects on his army: for to begin a fight in which all one's force are not at work and all one's fortune is risked is a thing altogether rash...On the other side, I consider that when wise captains come up against a new enemy who is reputed, before they come to the main battle they are necessitated to make trial of such enemies with light fight for their soldiers..." In a captain demanding of his troop to follow his deeds, not his words, there seems to be great success. The topic of Chapter 39 is "That a captain ought to be a knower of sites." Fraud in war means fooling the enemy. He raises the story of Pontus, captain of the Samnites, who sent some of his soldiers in shepherds clothing to the Roman camp so that they could be lead them into an ambush where Pontus's army was waiting. Chapter 43 pertains to the fact that "Men who are born in one province observe almost the same nature for all times." The nature of things in the present is not much different than it was in Livy's time. There is great reward to being ambitious in key moments like a battle. He raises the story of Decius and Fabius, two Roman consuls at war with the Samnites and Etruscans. They attacked the enemy in two entirely different manners, one slow and defensive, the other exhausting his army in a furious manner. Machiavelli believes not to be the result of bloodline, but education. In Chapter 48, Machiavelli believes that "when one sees a great error made by an enemy, one ought to believe that there is deception underneath." The final chapter of Book 3 concerns the fact that "A republic has need of new acts of foresight every day if one wishes to maintain it free; and for what merits Quintus Fabius was called Maximus." Due to the expediency of this fix, and the fact that it was well received by the people of Rome, he gained the name "Maximus". ==Reception and reaction==