However, the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia survived the post-Brezhnev period, and, after the
Declaration of Independence of Ukraine, returned to the forefront of Ukrainian politics. Under President
Leonid Kravchuk, the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia held the premiership from 1992 to 1993 under
Leonid Kuchma. Kuchma's rule was preceded by
Vitold Fokin, as well as succeeded in an acting capacity by
Yukhym Zvyahilsky, both of whom were members of the
Donetsk Clan. These events precipitated the conflict between the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia, led by Kuchma, and the Donetsk Clan, led by Zvyahilsky. By the 1990s, Kuchma had taken on the same role as Brezhnev and Shcherbytsky as leader of the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia. This status was owed in part due to his role as former head of Pivdenmash, as well as his Dnipropetrovsk origins, in contrast with Fokin, Zvyahilsky, and
Vitaliy Masol, all of whom had political roots in the
Donbas region. By 1996, however, this had become something of a liability, with bitter infighting among these individuals. Following the resignation of
Yevhen Marchuk as Prime Minister, Kuchma appointed
Pavlo Lazarenko, a leading member of the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia and First Deputy Prime Minister, to the premiership. Prior to his appointment, Lazarenko had been
Governor of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast from 1992 to 1995. There, he had established a reputation for himself, both as a qualified economist who had accomplished remarkable short-term growth and as a powerful ruler who effectively controlled the
Ukrainian mafia in the Oblast. These events had together formed a public opinion of Lazarenko as a strict but fair leader. However, economic forecasts for 1995 onwards projected an economic downturn in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast. Seeking to preserve his career, Lazarenko quickly moved from regional to national politics, and was brought into the
Government of Ukraine by Kuchma as a third competitor between Marchuk and
Viktor Pynzenyk, who both presented differing views on necessary economic reforms. Rather than competing with Marchuk, however, Lazarenko painted himself as his ally while simultaneously preparing for his own political rise. and was later arrested in the United States. Kuchma's efforts to stamp out Lazarenko were supported by both the remnants of the Donetsk clan and the
Kyiv clan, another oligarch group.
After Lazarenko (pictured here in 2010), a close follower of Lazarenko, became one of the leaders of the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia after the latter's flight from Ukraine. Following Lazarenko's defeat, Kuchma became an arbiter between inter-clan disputes, and the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia broke into various factions. At the time of the
2004 Ukrainian presidential election, the two largest factions of the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia were the so-called "
Interpipe Faction" led by Kuchma's son-in-law
Victor Pinchuk, and
Privat Group, led by oligarch
Ihor Kolomoyskyi. Kuchma, marred by the
Cassette Scandal as well as questions surrounding his sale of missiles to Iraq, pushed the clan to support
Viktor Yanukovych of the Donetsk clan after being pressured by the Donetsk clan's leader,
Rinat Akhmetov. However, ultimately neither Pinchuk nor Kolomoyskyi were able to consolidate control over the clan. A third group, descended from Lazarenko's and led by
Yulia Tymoshenko, took control after the presidential election,
Orange Revolution, and Kuchma's resignation from politics. During the
2010 Ukrainian presidential election, she faced off against Yanukovych. However, Ukrainian political commentator has rejected the idea that the 2010 presidential election was simply another clash between the Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk clans, citing the involvement of groups from throughout the entire country. Despite this, however, the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia endured, in contrast to the Donetsk and Kyiv clans, which both died out. This was in large part due to the activities of Kolomoyskyi as Governor of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, where the
2014 pro-Russian unrest in Ukraine was heavily cracked down upon.
Taras Kuzio, Sergei I. Zhuk, and
Paul D'Anieri, credit Kolomoyskyi with Dnipropetrovsk Oblast's transformation into a "stronghold of Ukrainian statehood," noting that, "After becoming governor of Dnipropetrovsk region in March 2014, Kolomoyskyy launched an all-out campaign to ensure that separatist sentiment did not spread beyond the Donbas. He personally subsidised the
Ukrainian Air Force, offered a $10,000 reward for the capture of
a pro-Russian separatist, and backed the creation of the highly effective
Dnipro battalions." They have additionally claimed, citing
Andriy Portnov, that Euromaidan marked a significant victory for the Dnipropetrovsk Mafia. During the
2019 Ukrainian presidential election, concerns were expressed by opponents of
Volodymyr Zelenskyy that he was controlled by Kolomoyskyi. Zelenskyy's early policy reflected this approach, with officials opposed to Kolomoyskyi's interests being removed. However, after the United States began investigating Kolomoyskyi for financial crimes, Zelenskyy began to change his approach. In 2022, following the
Russian invasion of Ukraine, Kolomoyskyi was stripped of his citizenship.
Members Kuchma/Interpipe faction •
Leonid Kuchma •
Victor Pinchuk •
Valeriy Pustovoitenko Lazarenko/Tymoshenko faction •
Pavlo Lazarenko •
Yulia Tymoshenko •
Oleksandr Turchynov Kolomoyskyi faction/Privat Group •
Ihor Kolomoyskyi •
Borys Filatov •
Gennadiy Bogolyubov ==See also==