Western Pomeranian shows traits connecting it with both northern Poland, including Pomeranian, namely Kashubian and Slovincian, Greater Poland, and
Masovia, as well as a few traits connecting with Polabian. Based on the dates of attested forms, it appears that Western Pomeranian split off from Eastern Lechitic in the 8-9th century, and at this time was in closer contact with Polabian, but later felt influence from Eastern Lechitic.
Vowels Proto-Slavic *TarT did not undergo
metathesis, as in Polabian, and in contrast to Polish, and in Western Pomeranian could be either TarT or TerT: Dargozlaw (1269), Dergschlaff (1618). Changing TarT to TerT is dated to the pre-literate era and connects Western Pomeranian with other northern dialects. In the southeast of the region, -ro- forms are attested in accordance with the Polish development, and can also be seen in
Kashubia, where -ar- was original and later -ro- forms arose under influence of Polish: Brunksruhe (20th century), Kroll (20th century), Gruchelkatehn (20th century). A few cases of sporadic -ro- are attested: Brosland if from *Brož- (20th century), Belgrod (1124, 1159), Zitarigroda (1124), Stargrod (1140), also ro||ru: Crolov (1341), Crulow (1491); also ru: Brunnow (1523), ra: Belgrada (1159), re: Crethemin (1425), and re||ro: Kresyn (1407), Crossin (1628), Gressin (1137), Grossin (1450) - however the ra- and re- could potentially not derive frmo *TarT. The reflex ro occurs along the south-eastern edge of the area. The forms Zitarigroda (1124) for
Stargard Szczecińśki and Belgrod (1124) and Belgroensem (1125) for
Białogard were written by German monks Ebo and Preifling writing about Otton's excursion to Pomerania, who was accompanied by Polaes, namely a translator Wojciech, who had contact with Pomeranian, and likely arose from his native language. Proto-Slavic *ъl *ьl become oł (that is with a hard l) as in Polabian and other Pomeranian dialects; also in some
Sorbian dialects; this oł could also become uł, which is seen regularly after labial and velar consonants; this also could be the result of scribes substituting letters: Culpin (1315), Culpino (1281), Mulkenthin (1338), Wulckow (1628). The city
Słupsk and the river
Słupia show two reflexes: Pomeranian oł, e.g. Stolp (1227), Stolpz (1276), Stolpzk (1294); Stolpam rivus (1209), Stolpa (1281), and Polish łu: Slupsk (1180), Slupsko (1236), Slupsech (1238); Slupam (1278); in Slovincian the town was called Slëpsk||Slëpskô with a reflex from an old short a typical of Slovincian and Kashubian; all instances of attested łu came from Polish chancelleries whereas all isntances of oł came from documents made in Western Pomernian or in German chancelleries; also in the latter forms with lu are seen: Stulpa (1414-1416), Stulpe (1438); other exceptions do not occur. Proto-Slavic *ьr generally gives ar, but sometimes gives er: Zerno (1628), Czernow (1323), Zerneglaw (1628), Czernekowe (1486), Perlow (1618), similar to *TarT potentially giving TerT; compare forms also attested like Zarnow, Sarne. It is possible that this was still ar with softening of the previous consonant, so 'arT, as in Kashubian, and e was used by the given German scribe to show palatalness. The forms Dirloua (1205), Cirnowe (1180-1183), Cyrnowe (1237), Tirnow (1269) could suggest a weakening of the ablaut before the hard consonant, seen also with *ěT, *ęT, and *eT. It is uncertain of the result ar kept palatlization on the preceding consonant as it did in Kashubian and Polabian. *ьr in other positions, that is not before a hard consonant, becomes er: Cerben (1279), Cernin (1281), or also older ir; the earliest instance of er er around the 12th century, as ar from various sources often shifts to er. Initial o- had a tendency to gain
prothetic w-, as in Polabian, Kashubian, Pomeranian, and many
Polish dialects as well as other West Slavic languages, but not everywhere at the same time; in the east and the southern border there are examples with initial o-: Obesda (1281), Oblanse (1301), Olsewitz (1804), Ostrowo (1835), Olsembork (1433), Obrita (1226), Oboy (1224); it is likely this prothesis began in 13th century as shown by transcriptions from 1224-1281: Wobrita (1200-1208), Wobasdo (1294), Wobelancz (1413). There are also many examples of transcriptions with wu-, suggestion potentially a raising of /wɔ/ > /wo/ > /wu/; the geographic distribution of initial wu- is not equal everywhere, but dominates in the area around the upper
drainage basin of the
Parsęta,
Rega, and
Drawa; in
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern west of the
Odra initial wu- is exceptional; this change of wo- > wu- begins in the 14th century, as it is unattested in the 13th century, and even gains dominance by then and was likely a dialectal feature characteristic of the central region. There are four examples of a potential change to wi- before a soft consonant, as in Polabian: Werle (1284), Welschberg (20th century), Welsenborch (1284), Weltzke (1618), reaching possibly as far as east of the Odra. Initial ja- often raised to je-, as in
Greater Polish and
Masovian, however this change is inconsistent and in few words, often alongside a form with ja-, as only two toponyms occur exclusively with je-, and the first attestations of this change come from the 12th century: Geniphyz (1273)||Janeuitz (1286); forms with ja- occur more often near
Szczecin. Forms with je- were more likely to occur when the word began with jar-, see above for the change of ar to er. Initial ra- also inconsistently changes to re- as in other northern dialects of Poland, similar to how ar changes to er, but this change is restricted to particular words, and there are somewhat more attestations with ra- over re- scattered across the whole region. The
Lechitic ablaut whereby *ě changes to *a before hard
dental consonants is present as in all of Lechitic (see also
History of the Polish language for more on the Lechitic ablaut): Bialcur ( *'oT has historically been considered an important
isogloss in Lechitic lects (see also
History of the Polish language), and is considered a chiefly Polish trait, occurring in most Polish dialect groups, but not in western Lechitic, including Polabian. In eastern Pomerania, placenames predominately show 'oT ć occurred in the eastern part of this region, as it did in Kashubian, but not in the west, as it did not in Polabian; the border of this change is along the drainage basic of the
Wieprz river; west of the Wieprz to the Parsęta show alternative forms with both t or ć, and the further west the placement, the less ć appears; however this could also be the result of the traditions of the given transcription system. It is difficult to establish a southern border, but transcriptions with t occur almost exceptionlessly up to the border of the Odra with except two places near Szczecin and
Kamień Pomorski: Messcentyn (1298) and Cytzemer (1318), being the result of either a mutual sound change or being named after someone from the south with this change. It is impossible to determine if
kaszubienie occurred here later, that is a change of ć dź to c dz. The change of *ď > dź had a parallel development to *ť > ć, but there are fewer examples with this, making it difficult to determine the exact details of this change. Western Pomeranian serves as a transitional zone between Polabian and the rest of Lechitic when it comes to the change of Proto-Slavic *ri *re > *ři *ře, as this change did not occur in Polabian but did occur in the rest of Lechitic, however early transcriptions make it difficult to ascertain the true value of the phoneme, as it could be written with r as well as rs, rc, rtz, rcz, etc. Some transcriptions allow for certainty; in the east up to the Wiperz this change occurred, and also the southern borderlands shows *ř; in the remaining area shows predominately *r with a few instances of *ř: Kolbrzega (1659-1665), Mersin (1534), Zabersowe (1321), Tumerzelize (1270); a few instances of transcriptions with z and cz occur: Dwiczin||Duirin (1270), Scloubuze (1411-1414), Zmogozewic (1227), suggesting a potential change to *ř. the western reach of *ř corresponds roughly with the western border of *ť, ď > ć, dź, but is somewhat more limited. Changes found in Polabian can be found here only inconsistently, numbering only 10 examples, and these examples may be interpreted ambiguously. They occur mostly in the north-west of the region. The change of *o- > vü- (vi-) before a soft consonant is seen in the 12th century and is limited to two stems: *olьš- and *orьl-, occurring in the south and the west of the region: (from *olьš-) Welschberg (20th century), Welsenborch (1284), Weltzke (1618) (from *orьl-) Werle (1284); two other examples include Wostentin (1308)||Wessentyn (1321) and Wistrouece (1180). The diphthongization of *y to oi (ui) and ei after labials is seen in the 9th century as ui and then in the 12th century as oi; diphthongization occurred often in Mecklenburg Pomeranian, but an equal amount of cases without marking of diphthongization occur: Byl||Boytin, Wizoka||Wejsin; in Western Pomeranian examples include Moysouwe (1364), Moizow (1618), and Weykow (1299); however this choice of transcription could have arisen due to difficulties of differentiating slavic i and y, and might not be a phonetic realization shared with Polabian. Finally, the change of *TălT > *TlåT is considered Polabian, and transcriptions with TloT predominately occur in Mecklenburg: Clodeniz, Glouen; in Western Pomerania two examples with this reflex occur but may be considered doubtful: Clodo (1320), Cladowe (1328), and 9 placenames with the word-forming element *-glovy: Zerneglaw (1628), however the use of a here could be the result of substituting it for o by German scribes. == See also ==