To outline the development of Iraq–Turkey relations, this section divides their interaction into key historical stages. Both states emerged in the aftermath of the
First World War: Iraq was established under
British administration and later as a
League of Nations mandate, while Turkey emerged from the dissolution of the
Ottoman Empire. Although the Republic of Turkey gained international recognition with the
Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, the Ankara-based
Grand National Assembly had exercised effective political authority since 1920.
World War I and emergence of two states Before World War I, Iraq was part of the
Ottoman Empire. While it was administered through multiple provinces, Ottoman authorities and official correspondence treated these lands as a single regional unit, describing it as "the Iraq region” (
Hıtta-i Irakiyye). Under Ottoman administrative reforms such as the
Land Law of 1858 and
Vilayet Law of 1864,
Ottoman Iraq was administered through the
vilayets of
Basra,
Baghdad, and
Mosul. After World War I, these provinces were incorporated into the
modern Iraqi state under
British administration. Following the Iraqi uprising The Ottoman Empire lost World War I and signed the
Armistice of Moudros with the Allies on 30 October 1918. According to this armistice, the Ottoman Empire's southern border wasn't clarified. Article 16 of the armistice required Ottoman forces in Iraq, including formations such as the
Iraq Area Command (Irak ve Havalisi Genel Komutanlığı), to surrender to the Allies. However, the armistice did not clearly define Iraq’s borders. British forces occupied Mosul 16 days later (15 November 1918), a move later contested by Turkish authorities, and the region’s status became the basis of the
Mosul Question. After the dissolution of the Ottoman Parliament, the Ankara-based Grand National Assembly continued to use the National Pact as a reference point during the Turkish War of Independence. Turkish nationalists argued that territories with a Muslim majority, including parts of the former Mosul Vilayet, should remain within the future Turkish state, while the status of Arab-majority areas should be determined by referendum. In 1923, the
Lausanne Conference was held in Switzerland to settle issues following the
Turkish War of Independence. The status of Mosul was one of the major unresolved questions. Britain supported including Mosul within the British Mandate of Iraq, while Turkey argued that Mosul should be part of Turkey, citing demographic and strategic considerations. After the Lausanne Conference, negotiations over the status of Mosul continued between Turkey and Great Britain, which administered Iraq under a League of Nations mandate. The Haliç (Golden Horn) Conference was held on 19 May 1924 but failed to produce an agreement, and the dispute was subsequently referred to the League of Nations. The League’s decision was controversial and was debated by the parties involved. During this period, Turkey's diplomatic position was also affected by the
Sheikh Said rebellion, which undermined Ankara’s claim to represent Kurdish populations in the disputed region. Under the eventual settlement, Turkey received a 10% share of Mosul’s oil revenues for 25 years, although disagreements later emerged over the total sums paid and outstanding claims. By 1923, Turkey’s sovereignty had been internationally recognised, while Iraq came under British mandate administration in 1920. Until Iraq’s independence in 1932, Iraq–Turkey relations were shaped in part by British influence and regional strategic interests.
1932–1958: the Era of Pacts During the 1930s, Turkey-Iraq relations were at their most cordial, with both the
Hashemite King Ghazi (1912–1939) of Iraq and
Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938), the founder of the modern Turkish state and its leader since 1923, continuing to maintain close relations with the British. From the independence of Iraq in 1932 to the
republican revolution in 1958, the most significant events in Iraq–Turkey relations were the regional pacts: the
Saadabad Pact and the
Baghdad Pact. Turkey had two defence-military pacts between
Middle Eastern countries in this era, and Iraq was the only Arab country in both of the pacts. In light of this knowledge it can be claimed that during this era Turkey and Iraq had a close, cooperative relationship.
The Saadabad Pact The
Treaty of Saadabad was signed between
Iran, Iraq,
Afghanistan, and Turkey on 8 July 1937 in the
Saadabad Palace of Iran. More than a defence pact, it was a nonaggression and amity pact. There were two major reasons leading the signing of this pact: to solve the border disputes between the members of the pact, and to express the independence of each state in the international arena. The second reason was especially important for Iraq. Except for Turkey, for the rest of the countries this was the first international organization of which they were founders. The
Suez Canal Crisis of 1956 affected the pact negatively. Iraq as an Arab member of the pact could not stay neutral in the Suez Crisis. As a result, Iraq excluded Britain from the meetings of the Baghdad Pact and the King of Iraq joined the Arab summit in
Beirut in a show of pan-Arab solidarity after the Suez Crisis. Turkey's relations with other Middle Eastern countries affected its relations with Iraq during the 40s and 50s. After the coup d'état, Turkish foreign policy shifted into a new era, which is not strictly pro-Western and is extremely dominated by
NATO. Turkey considered Middle Eastern countries' concerns in its foreign policy making in this era and had better relations with the Middle Eastern countries.
Petrol trade Turkey's new foreign policy strategy during the 60s and 70s showed its benefits during the
oil crisis of 1973.
OPEC countries declared that Turkey's oil supply would not be limited. Moreover, in August 1973 a
petroleum pipeline project between Turkey and Iraq was started,
Kirkuk–
Yumurtalık, and the project became real on 3 January 1977. The pipeline was supplying 2/3 of Turkey's petrol demand. The 2008 drought in Iraq sparked new negotiations between Iraq and Turkey over
trans-boundary river flows. Although the drought affected Turkey, Syria, and Iran as well, Iraq complained regularly about reduced water flows. Iraq particularly complained about the Euphrates because of the large amount of dams on the river. Turkey agreed to increase the flow several times, beyond their means, in order to supply Iraq with extra water. Iraq has seen significant declines in water storage and crop yields because of the drought. To make matters worse, Iraq's water infrastructure has suffered from years of conflict and neglect. In 2008, Turkey, Iraq, and Syria agreed to restart the
Joint Trilateral Committee on water for the three nations to better manage water resources. Turkey, Iraq, and Syria signed a memorandum of understanding on 3 September 2009 in order to strengthen communication within the
Tigris–Euphrates Basin and develop joint water flow monitoring stations. On 19 September 2009, Turkey formally agreed to increase the flow of the Euphrates to 450 to 500 cm until 20 October 2009. In exchange, Iraq agreed to trade petroleum with Turkey and help curb terrorist activity in their border region. One of Turkey's last large GAP dams on the Tigris, the
Ilısu Dam is strongly opposed by Iraq and is the source of political strife.
Iran–Iraq War and Turkey The establishment of military-backed regimes in Turkey and Iraq by 1980 helped strengthen relations on several core issues, as both governments supported
secularist and anti-radical policies, stable borders, and closer ties with the West, needed by Iraq for its
conflict with Iran and by Turkey in its desire to join the
European Union. During the Iran–Iraq war, Turkey stayed neutral officially and preserved political and economical relations with both countries. However, with the whole
Western world, indirectly Turkey supported Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war. While Turkey was paying for the petrol with cash, Iraq was buying goods from Turkey by credit loaned from Turkey. That means that Turkey financially supported Iraq during the 1980s.
1990–2003: First Gulf War and after Following the relatively stabilized era of 1960 to 1990, the
Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on 2 August 1990 radically changed Turkey-Iraq relations. After
UN SC Resolution 665, Turkey allowed United Nations forces to fly missions from its air bases. The allied coalition achieved its objective and had neither a
mandate nor much desire to press on into Iraq itself. A
ceasefire agreement was signed at
Safwan on 28 February 1991. Then these military operations repeated several times during the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s. Turkey launched 24 military operations to Iraq between 1983 and 2008. While Turkey was out of US plans on Iraq, Kurdish leaders of Iraq gained more power by allying with US during the war.
Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), which behaves like a semi-independent unit, eventually emerged, and its aggressive foreign policy disturbed Turkish foreign policy mechanisms. After 2003, political maps of the Greater Kurdistan, covering Turkish lands, were seen on the walls of state buildings of KRG. Furthermore,
Massoud Barzani frequently talked about the problems of
Kurdish people in Turkey and implied that he could mobilize the Kurdish people against the Turkish government. Lastly, Barzani also objected Turkey's offers regarding a permanent solution of Kirkuk's status problem and ignored Turkey's sensitivity regarding the basic rights of the Iraq Turkmen population. So, in the new era, Turkey had relations with more political groups in Iraq. In 2015, Turkish diplomats in Mosul were kidnapped by the
Islamic State during the
War in Iraq 2013-2017. The diplomats were rescued and the consulate reopened after the Islamic State defeat.
Kurdistan Workers Party based in Iraq The
Kurdistan Workers Party, based in Iraq, declared an immediate ceasefire on 1 March, following a call from its jailed leader,
Abdullah Ocalan, for disarmament and dissolution. The move, supported by
President Tayyip Erdogan’s government and the pro-Kurdish DEM party, marks a potential turning point in the
40-year conflict that has killed over 40,000 people. Erdogan warned that Turkey would resume military operations if the process stalled. The PKK urged
Ankara to grant Ocalan greater freedoms to oversee disarmament, but Turkish officials ruled out negotiations or amnesty. ==Turkish military presence in Iraq==