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Eichmann in Jerusalem

Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil is a 1963 book by the philosopher and political thinker Hannah Arendt. Arendt, a Jew who fled Germany during Adolf Hitler's rise to power, reported on the trial of Adolf Eichmann, one of the major organizers of the Holocaust, for The New Yorker. A revised and enlarged edition was published in 1964.

Theme
Arendt's subtitle famously introduced the phrase "the banality of evil." In part the phrase refers to Eichmann's deportment at the trial as the man displayed neither guilt for his actions nor hatred for those trying him, claiming he bore no responsibility because he was simply "doing his job." ("He did his 'duty'...; he not only obeyed 'orders,' he also obeyed the 'law.'") == Eichmann ==
Eichmann
Arendt takes Eichmann's court testimony and the historical evidence available and makes several observations about him: • Eichmann stated in court that he had always tried to abide by Immanuel Kant's categorical imperative. She argues that Eichmann had essentially taken the wrong lesson from Kant: Eichmann had not recognized the "Golden Rule", as it is recognized in both the Old Testament and the New Testament, and the principle of reciprocity implicit in Kant's categorical imperative, but had misunderstood Kant's moral principles. Eichmann attempted to follow the spirit of the laws he carried out, as if the legislator himself would approve. In Kant's formulation of the categorical imperative, the legislator is the moral self, and all people are legislators; in Eichmann's formulation, the legislator was Hitler. Eichmann claimed this changed when he was charged with carrying out the Final Solution, at which point Arendt says, "He had ceased to live according to Kantian principles, that he had known it, and that he had consoled himself with the thoughts that he no longer 'was master of his own deeds,' that he was unable 'to change anything. • Eichmann's inability to think for himself was exemplified by his consistent use of "stock phrases and self-invented clichés". He demonstrated his unrealistic worldview and crippling lack of communication skills through reliance on "officialese" (Amtssprache) and the euphemistic Sprachregelung (convention of speech) that made implementation of Hitler's policies "somehow palatable". • While Eichmann might have had antisemitic leanings, Arendt argued that he showed "no case of insane hatred of Jews, of fanatical antisemitism or indoctrination of any kind. He personally never had anything whatever against Jews" according to his own testimony. • Eichmann was a "joiner" his entire life, in that he constantly joined organizations in order to define himself, and had difficulties thinking for himself without doing so. As a youth, he belonged to the YMCA, the Wandervogel, and the Jungfrontkämpferverband. In 1933, he failed in his attempt to join the Schlaraffia (a men's organization similar to Freemasonry), at which point a family friend (and future war criminal) Ernst Kaltenbrunner encouraged him to join the SS. At the end of World War II, Eichmann found himself depressed because "it then dawned on him that thenceforward he would have to live without being a member of something or other". Arendt pointed out that his actions were not driven by malice, but rather blind dedication to the regime and his need to belong, to be a joiner. In his own words: "I sensed I would have to live a leaderless and difficult individual life, I would receive no directives from anybody, no orders and commands would any longer be issued to me, no pertinent ordinances would be there to consult—in brief, a life never known before lay ahead of me." • Despite his claims, Eichmann was not, in fact, very intelligent. As Arendt details in the book's second chapter, he was unable to complete either high school or vocational training, and only found his first significant job, as a traveling salesman for the Vacuum Oil Company, through family connections. Arendt noted that, during both his SS career and Jerusalem trial, Eichmann tried to cover up his lack of skills and education, and even "blushed" when these facts came to light. • Arendt confirms Eichmann and the heads of the Einsatzgruppen were part of an "intellectual elite." Unlike the Einsatzgruppen leaders, however, Eichmann would suffer from a "lack of imagination" and an "inability to think." • Arendt confirms several points where Eichmann actually claimed he was responsible for certain atrocities, even though he lacked the power or expertise to take these actions. Moreover, Eichmann made these claims even though they hurt his defense, hence Arendt's remark that "Bragging was the vice that was Eichmann's undoing". Arendt also suggests that Eichmann may have preferred to be executed as a war criminal than live as a nobody. This parallels his overestimation of his own intelligence and his past value in the organizations in which he had served, as stated above. • Arendt argues that Eichmann, in his peripheral role at the Wannsee Conference, witnessed the rank-and-file of the German civil service heartily endorse Reinhard Heydrich's program for the Final Solution of the Jewish question in Europe (). Upon seeing members of "respectable society" endorsing mass murder, and enthusiastically participating in the planning of the solution, Eichmann felt that his moral responsibility was relaxed, as if he were "Pontius Pilate". • During his imprisonment before his trial, the Israeli government sent no fewer than six psychologists to examine Eichmann. These psychologists found no trace of mental illness, including personality disorder. One doctor remarked that his overall attitude towards other people, especially his family and friends, was "highly desirable", while another remarked that the only unusual trait Eichmann displayed was being more "normal" in his habits and speech than the average person. Arendt suggests that this most strikingly discredits the idea that the Nazi criminals were manifestly psychopathic and different from "normal" people. From this document, many concluded that situations such as the Holocaust can make even the most ordinary of people commit horrendous crimes with the proper incentives, but Arendt adamantly disagreed with this interpretation, as Eichmann was voluntarily following the Führerprinzip. Arendt said that moral choice remains even under totalitarianism, and that this choice has political consequences even when the chooser is politically powerless: Arendt mentions, as a case in point, Denmark: On Eichmann's personality, Arendt concludes: Arendt ended the book by writing: == Legality of the trial ==
Legality of the trial
Beyond her discussion of Eichmann himself, Arendt discusses several additional aspects of the trial, its context, and the Holocaust. • She points out that Eichmann was kidnapped by Israeli agents in Argentina and transported to Israel, an illegal act, and that he was tried in Israel even though he was not accused of committing any crimes there. "If he had not been found guilty before he appeared in Jerusalem, guilty beyond any reasonable doubt, the Israelis would never have dared, or wanted, to kidnap him in formal violation of Argentine law." • She describes his trial as a show trial arranged and managed by Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, and says that Ben-Gurion wanted, for several political reasons, to emphasize not primarily what Eichmann had done, but what the Jews had suffered during the Holocaust. She points out that the war criminals tried at Nuremberg were "indicted for crimes against the members of various nations," without special reference to the Nazi genocide against the Jews. • She questions Israel's right to try Eichmann. Israel was a signatory to the 1950 UN Genocide Convention, which rejected universal jurisdiction and required that defendants be tried "in the territory of which the act was committed" or by an international tribunal. The court in Jerusalem did not pursue either option. • Eichmann's deeds were not crimes under German law, as, at that time, in the eyes of the Third Reich, he was a law-abiding citizen. He was tried for 'crimes in retrospect'. • The prosecutor, Gideon Hausner, followed the tone set by Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, who stated, "It is not an individual nor the Nazi regime on trial, but antisemitism throughout history." Hausner's corresponding opening statements, which heavily referenced biblical passages, was "bad history and cheap rhetoric," according to Arendt. Furthermore, it suggested that Eichmann was no criminal, but the "innocent executor of some foreordained destiny." == Banality of evil ==
Banality of evil{{anchor|Banality of evil}}
Arendt's book introduced the expression and concept of the banality of evil. Her thesis is that Eichmann was actually not a fanatic or a sociopath, but instead an average and mundane person who relied on clichéd defenses rather than thinking for himself, was motivated by professional promotion rather than ideology, and believed in success which he considered the chief standard of "good society". Banality, in this sense, does not mean that Eichmann's actions were in any way ordinary, but that his actions were motivated by a sort of complacency which was wholly unexceptional. Many mid-20th century pundits were favorable to the concept, which has been called "one of the most memorable phrases of 20th-century intellectual life," and it features in many contemporary debates about morality and justice, as well as in the workings of truth and reconciliation commissions. Others see the popularization of the concept as a valuable warrant against walking negligently into horror, as the evil of banality, in which failure to interrogate received wisdom results in individual and systemic weakness and decline. == Alleged Jewish cooperation ==
{{anchor|Jewish alleged cooperation}}Alleged Jewish cooperation
Another controversial point raised by Arendt in her book is her criticism of the alleged role of Jewish authorities in the Holocaust. In her writings, Arendt expressed her objections to the prosecution's refusal to address the cooperation of the leaders of the Judenräte with the Nazis. In the book, Arendt says that Jewish organizations and leaderships in Europe collaborated with the Nazis and were directly responsible for increasing the numbers of Jewish victims: describing instead ways in which the Judenräte were coerced and intimidated into their roles, and how the Nazis made examples of populations that resisted, saying in a response during an interview with Günter Gaus, "When people reproach me with accusing the Jewish people [of nonresistance], that is a malignant lie and propaganda and nothing else. The tone of voice, however, is an objection against me personally. And I cannot do anything about that." == Reception and controversy ==
Reception and controversy
Eichmann in Jerusalem upon publication and in the years following was controversial. Arendt has long been accused of "blaming the victim" in the book. Allegation of Slander Against Zionism She responded to the initial criticism in a postscript to the book: The allegation Arendt’s mischaracterization of the Zionists and of her misreadings of Eichmann’s motivations are the two major themes of the critique of the article and run throughout every phase of the article’s reception and criticism. Taken as a whole, Arendt’s article largely refutes the claims made against it without the necessity of an external defense. However critics focus on the tone of individual sections, the lack of rhetorical handholding in segments of the article where Arendt summarizes Eichmann’s defense (whose transcripts run to many thousands of pages). Allegation of Mischaracterizing Eichmann Regarding this latter concern: Arendt’s critics tend to insinuate that the confidence she places in her audience to know—and to be capable of steadily holding in mind throughout her presentation—that Eichmann is so obviously and inarguably an objective antisemite, whatever he might claim in his defense, that it is unnecessary for her to point this out at every turn. These two accusations (mischaracterization of Zionism, mischaracterization of Eichmann) recur in every phase of the backlash into the 21st century. In her articles, Arendt also made use of H.G. Adler's book Theresienstadt 1941–1945: The Face of a Coerced Community (Cambridge University Press. 2017), which she had read in manuscript. Adler took her to task on her view of Eichmann in his keynote essay "What does Hannah Arendt know about Eichmann and the Final Solution?" (Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden in Deutschland. 20 November 1964). Adler’s objections to Arendt are later taken up in a book-length study by a scholar named Cesarini in the 21st century. In his 2006 book, Becoming Eichmann: Rethinking the Life, Crimes and Trial of a "Desk Murderer", Holocaust researcher David Cesarani questioned Arendt's portrait of Eichmann on several grounds. According to his findings, Arendt attended only part of the trial, witnessing Eichmann's testimony for "at most four days" and based her writings mostly on recordings and the trial transcript. Cesarani feels that this may have skewed her opinion of him, since it was in the parts of the trial that she missed that the more forceful aspects of his character appeared. Cesarani also suggested that Eichmann was in fact highly anti-Semitic and that these feelings were important motivators of his actions. Thus, he alleges that Arendt's opinion that his motives were "banal" and non-ideological and that he had abdicated his autonomy of choice by obeying Hitler's orders without question may stand on weak foundations. This is a recurrent criticism of Arendt, though nowhere in her work does Arendt deny that Eichmann was an anti-Semite nor did she say Eichmann was "simply" following orders. But when Arendt spoke of anti-semitism—in relation to whether or not Eichmann was an anti-semite, himself—she was summarizing Eichmann's own account of himself in the transcripts. Perhaps she considered it so obvious that he was an objectively antisemitic, that she felt no need to underline the point and she notes this in her interview with Fest. She considers the necessity of pointing out Eichmann’s antisemitism or of proving rhetorically that there is a dissonance between Eichmann's claims and what he understands (or fails to understand) subjectively in his testimony to be histrionic and unnecessary. It is the psychic dissonance—the fact that Eichmann is apparently so lacking in self-reflective capacity, and so much more motivated by his instinctual careerism than by his hatred of Jews—that Arendt wishes to highlight in the article. The suggestion that Arendt held Ostjuden in contempt also may or may not be refuted by the fact that Hannah Arendt was, herself, a borderline Ostjuden relative to most of her Jewish and gentile German acquaintances, having grown up in Königsberg in a region (East Prussia) that was cut off from the rest of Germany and isolated by a part of Polish territory by the time she was twelve years old (the city of Königsberg is now Kaliningrad, an exclave in the territory of Russia after borders were redrawn following the end of the Second World War and thus had been Russia for over a decade by the time she wrote the articleWhether or not Arendt's concern about the aspect of institutional Zionism in Israel has any affinity with the forms of identitarian-style authoritarianism that influenced institutional cooperation between Zionism and Nazism, as Arendt points out in her report Eichmann in Jerusalem very explicitly, temper her reservations about the comportment of Israeli justice in the framing and procedure of the Eichmann case is not considered as a dimension of Arendt's thinking or her description in Cesarani's analysis of the issue. The existence of either a pattern of preference for Israelis in penalties or a substantively skewed finding of homicidal aggression amongst Arab attackers and of justifiable self-defense amongst Israelis responding to assaults, that might have been relevant to Arendt’s reservations about the context surrounding the trial, has been dismissed without mention by Cesarini. Arendt’s considerations in sizing up the potential character of ensuing legal proceedings in her letter to Jaspers come before she has witnessed or otherwise read the trial transcripts in an exhaustive survey of the proceedings. Cesarini does not mention or acknowledge the voluble praise that Arendt pays to the actual judicial proceedings in her widely published and broadly disseminated reporting on the case (as distinct from her equally voluble criticism of the prosecuting attorney), nor does Caesarini consider her final analysis of the Israeli justice system (which is largely complimentary) in the pages of her book on the subject as possibly more important indications of her opinions and inclinations than the fears that she expressed prior to the main phase of her attendance and review of the trial, which were expressed in a private letter, published posthumously by Jaspers estate. Cesarani's book was itself criticized. In a review that appeared in The New York Times Book Review, Barry Gewen argued that Cesarani's hostility stemmed from his book standing "in the shadow of one of the great books of the last half-century", and that Cesarani's suggestion that both Arendt and Eichmann had much in common in their backgrounds, making it easier for her to look down on the proceedings, "reveals a writer in control neither of his material nor of himself." Arendt also received criticism in the form of responses to her article. One instance of this came mere weeks after the publication of her articles in the form of an article entitled "Man With an Unspotted Conscience". This work was written by witness for the prosecution Michael A. Musmanno. He argued that Arendt fell prey to her own preconceived notions that rendered her work ahistorical. He also directly criticized her for ignoring the facts offered at the trial in stating that "the disparity between what Miss Arendt states, and what the ascertained facts are, occurs with such a disturbing frequency in her book that it can hardly be accepted as an authoritative historical work." He further condemned Arendt and her work for her prejudices against Hauser and Ben-Gurion depicted in Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. Musmanno argued that Arendt revealed "so frequently her own prejudices" that it could not stand as an accurate work. These early responsa are much in line with the Cesarini argument outlined above in their character and in the specifics of their charges against Arendt. Conformity & Cliché as Determining Forces in Human Behavior Stanley Milgram, who would conduct controversial experiments on obedience, maintains that "Arendt became the object of considerable scorn, even calumny" because she highlighted Eichmann's "banality" and "normalcy", and accepted Eichmann's claim that he did not subjectively experience himself as having evil intents or motives to commit such horrors; nor did he have a thought to the immorality and evil of his actions, or indeed, display, as the prosecution depicted, that he was a sadistic "monster". Milgram’s experimental findings would tend to verify Arendt’s emphasis on Eichmann’s bureaucratic careerism being a powerful driver of actions and decision-making by extrapolations from both qualitative and quantitative behavioral research data. But Arendt also notes Eichmann’s evident pride in having been responsible for so many deaths. Robinson presented himself as an expert in international law, omitting that he was an assistant to the prosecutor in the case. Historical Sources Supporting Arendt’s Characterization of Jewish community councils Arendt had drawn much of the substance of her account of the Judenrat's complicity with Nazi schedules for liquidation from Raul Hilberg's Destruction of the European Jews, a work that is generally not mentioned or critiqued in criticism - presumably because it maintains a neutral historicist stance while recording events, as opposed to Arendt's moral and ethical evaluation of these events in her cycle of articles for the New Yorker. In fact, Eichmann in Jerusalem, according to Hugh Trevor-Roper, is so deeply indebted to Raul Hilberg's The Destruction of the European Jews, that Hilberg himself spoke of plagiarism. The Destruction of the European Jews was at that time, and—given that it is so heavily cited for future essential data in all major historical standards—arguably remains the best standard reference on the administratively designed and militantly executed extermination of European Jews in the Nazi holocaust. Arendt’s Service to Zionist Organizations Also worth noting (though rarely mentioned by Arendt in her own self-defense) is the fact that Arendt had also been an employee of the Zionist World Congress and other Zionist organizations in various capacities, and that she worked during the war in finding placements for refugee children fleeing the Third Reich in Israel, though she draws a line between her own beliefs and the Zionist platform she speaks as an insider rather than as an outsider of the movement and its organizations within the diaspora, performing work for the benefit of these organizations during the time that she remained inside Germany after Hitler was appointed Chancellor. Arendt’s Assertions Taken Out of Context by Critics vs. The Full Text of Arendt’s Article & Her Argument The inhuman and humanly-impossible-to-resist level of pressure to conform to regulation and commands from the Nazi hierarchy is addressed by Arendt in her articles—she mentions an anecdote citing a situation in which 430 people were tortured for weeks on end after an incidence of infraction as an exemplar of this extenuating circumstance, explanatory of a tendency toward obedience to authority. She also addresses the historical and multigenerational cultural acclimation to rule-following and legal-obedience as a defense mechanism exploited by the Nazis. She even gives at least one, if not several, incidents where Eichmann appears—quite notably—to be an obviously antisemitic sadistic monster. However many of these qualifications appear in the first installment of the cycle whereas she coins the phrase "the banality of evil" in the last article of the series. Distinction between Issues of Historical Fact & Tone of Delivery As Arendt explained in an interview, there seemed to be two kinds objections amongst the challenges and critiques she received. But she had also been critiqued on tone—and this accusation, she says, she cannot and does not even want to refute. In her response, amongst the points she makes to Scholem, was that she bears love for individual persons, not for peoples. She utilized the Sassen Papers and accounts of Eichmann while in Argentina to prove that he was proud of his position as a powerful Nazi and the murders that this allowed him to commit. While she acknowledges that the Sassen Papers were not disclosed in the lifetime of Arendt, she argues that the evidence was there at the trial to prove that Eichmann was an antisemitic murderer and that Arendt simply ignored this. Arendt pays attention to a theme of the prosecution—in the context of the trial—where the physical murder of any Jewish individual committed by Eichmann with his own hands is investigated (and may later have been proven to the satisfaction of historians) but is not proven beyond a shadow of a doubt in the context of the trial in Jerusalem. She attends to this, according to her own prose in the first article of the cycle, since it was an issue of material concern and focus during the proceedings of the trial. However, in her summation in the final article, she holds him guilty and supports the death sentence decisively in her final statement. (not referred to in any of her books because it was an exceptional incident and not a commonly experienced scenario)—in addition to her research as an authoritative scholar on the subject over the critical decades when the persecution and genocide was being carried out, may have influenced her later thinking about the subject of the Nazi Holocaust. That may well be case. Here, however, Lipstadt glosses over the fact that the very aspect of Eichmann in Jerusalem that is being criticized by her own critique of Arendt (as well as by other critiques in the same genre of assaults on Arendt’s reputation) is the foregrounding of the banality of evil in Eichmann in Jerusalem as opposed to the ‘Radical Evil’ which she had spoken of in her book on the Origins of Totalitarianism. Additionally: Arendt’s the complicity of Jewish community councils with the Nazis in preparing and coordinating the populations of the ghettoes for deportation to the camps is framed as dubious provocation rather than as reporting on historical fact. The issues that Lipstadt and others have taken exception to in Arendt’s Eichmann report, in other words, are precisely those elements not yet explicitly recorded in the Origins book. Arendt’s critics allege, on the one hand, that she should have stuck with her interpretation in Origins, and on the other hand, they insinuate she should have ignored this earlier material so that the Israeli prosecutor’s tenor could be absorbed impartially without contaminating references or reliance on earlier experiences and research. Arendt’s treatment of radical evil in the Origins book (both essential and contaminating of a fair impartial view of the Israeli judiciary, according to Arendt’s critics) is summarized in an abbreviated form on several occasions by many prestigious scholars (Steiner, for example), of whom Terry Eagleton is only one, when he writes the following precis:There is a kind of evil which is mysterious because its motive seems not to be to destroy specific beings for specific reasons, but to negate being as such. [...] Hannah Arendt speculates that the Holocaust was not so much a question of killing human beings for human reasons, as of seeking to annihilate the concept of the human as such. This sort of evil is a Satanic parody of the divine, finding in the act of destruction the sort of orgasmic release which one can imagine God finding in the act of creation. It is evil as nihilism —a cackle of mocking laughter at the whole solemnly farcical assumption that anything merely human could ever matter. In its vulgarly knowing way, it delights in unmasking human value as a pretentious sham. It is a raging vindictive fury at existence as such. It is the evil of the Nazi death camps rather than of a hired assassin, or even of a massacre carried out for some political end. It is not the same kind of evil as most terrorism, which is malign but which has a point. As Arendt explains in several interviews, her introduction of the "banality of evil" as a phrase was not intended as a propositional truth—rather she coined the phrase without aforethought of its being or meaning anything beyond a merely descriptive flourish of what she had witnessed and discovered through her research as a witness present at the trial who also read the complete the transcripts of the trial.: thus it was her critics who stabilize the notion of the 'Banality of Evil' into a static proposition about which the question of its truth or falsity may be asked, not (in terms of self-conscious intention) by Hannah Arendt herself. A comparison of Klaus Barbie and Adolph Eichmann, for example, will reveal who was more notably and obviously a sadist, who was more of a careerist and who was responsible, as an officer and as an administrator, for the larger number of deaths between the two. As is made evident by her continuing commentary and journalism during this period, she does not—either explicitly or implicitly—intend to retract the charge of radical evil but to turn the mirror in order to examine whether or not such radical evil is likely to recur under the post-war global order. She finds that it is likely, but not inevitable. Arendt has also been praised for being among the first to point out that intellectuals, such as Eichmann and other leaders of the Einsatzgruppen, were in fact more accepted in the Third Reich despite Nazi Germany's persistent use of anti-intellectual propaganda. Los Angeles Review of Books journalist Jan Mieszkowski praised Arendt for being "well aware that there was a place for the thinking man in the Third Reich.". == See also ==
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