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Environmentalism of the poor

Environmentalism of the poor is a set of social movements that arise from environmental conflicts when impoverished people struggle against powerful state or private interests that threaten their livelihood, health, sovereignty, and culture. Part of the global environmental justice movement, it differs from mainstream environmentalism by emphasizing social justice issues instead of emphasizing conservation and eco-efficiency. It is becoming an increasingly important force for global sustainability.

Background
, planted a tree in honor of Wangari Maathai of the Green Belt Movement in the garden of the Heinrich Böll Foundation's office in Berlin. In 1988, Peruvian historian Alberto Flores Galindo suggested the term 'environmentalism of the poor' to describe eco-socialist peasant resistance movements, being inspired by the narodniki movement. In 1997 Joan Martinez-Alier and Ramachandra Guha contrasted these movements with the 'full-belly environmentalism' of the global North and drew parallels between rural and third-world 'environmentalism of the poor' and the more urban environmental justice movement arising in the United States. Varieties of environmentalism In his 2002 book, Environmentalism of the Poor, Martinez-Alier describes three different currents within environmentalism: the 'cult of the wilderness'; the later 'gospel of eco-efficiency' and the growing environmental justice movement or 'environmentalism of the poor'. Cult of Wilderness The Cult of the Wilderness, also called "wilderness thinking" by Ramachandra Guha, is associated with the conservation movement and people like John Muir, and Henry David Thoreau. This movement arose in the 19th century with organizations such as the Sierra Club and the Audubon Society; Aldo Leopold, with his 1949 book A Sand County Almanac, was also one of the main figures The cult of wilderness is not inherently against economic activity, but it states (in Leopold's words) that "a thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise". Usually, the answers given go in the line of sustainable development, which the Brundtland report defines as development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. The 'gospel of eco-efficiency' usually defends economic growth, but not at any cost. and that the decoupling of local rich economies is only possible because they outsource the production of material-intensive goods to the developing countries. The main tools proposed by the 'gospel of eco-efficiency' concern (1) economic, eco-taxes and markets in emission permits, and (2) technological support for materials and energy-saving changes. • The 'gospel of eco-efficiency' is concerned with the efficiency of the production process, that is, the efficiency of the technologies involved in it. It focuses on finding solutions that improve the efficiency of resource use and of waste/pollution generation, mainly through investment in research and development. • It is also concerned with the efficiency of the economic market, and sees environmental problems as inefficiencies of it, not as structural problems of it. Therefore, it focuses on finding solutions to these inefficiencies, mainly through internalizing them in market accounts. The gospel is championed by environmental economics, a discipline that stands that the market has Negative Externalities that are not accounted as economic costs, and that if those are accounted as such, the market will readjust to reduce those costs, thus reducing the externalities. Some tools that environmental economics propose for accounting those costs are eco-taxes and emission permits. According to Joan Martinez Alier, some of the most prominent proponents of the 'gospel of ecoefficiency are Gifford Pinchot in the USA and the Wuppertal Institute for Climate, Environment and Energy in Europe. Pinchot was the head of the United States Forest Service during the Progressive Era, and advocated the conservation of the nation's reserves by planned use and renewal. The Wuppertal Institute pioneered industrial ecology in Europe during the 90s, and designed several high-efficiency products such as the Passive house and also developed indicators such as the material input per unit of service (MIPS). == Environmentalism of the poor ==
Environmentalism of the poor
Environmental Classism Karen Bell describes environmental issues that stem from income inequalities, structural issues, class discrimination and hostilities between workers and environmentalists in addressing environmental justice as environmental classism. Rob Nixon covered the inequality of environmentalism in his 2011 book Slow violence and environmentalism of the poor coining the term slow violence. In addition, there are issues in approaching environmental justice that occur from class inequalities. Both the 'cult of wilderness' and the 'gospel of eco-efficiency' are a bit technocratic (although it is not always the case). The 'cult of wilderness' has been associated with middle to upper-class people, with scientists, and with statisticians. The 'gospel of eco-efficiency' has been associated with state policies, with private businesses, and with scientists and engineers. And they have been historically associated with the Global North, and with white, cis-hetero males. Environmentalism has therefore been historically seen as elitist, and poverty has been associated with environmentally damaging practices and disinterest in environmental concerns. For instance, the Brundtland Report concluded that poverty is one of the most important drivers of environmental degradation; liberation ecology, the environmental justice movement, popular environmentalism,), caused by economic activity and economic growth. This current of environmentalism, therefore, stands that the Global North exports environmental damage to the Global South, or that poor people are more likely to suffer environmental damage than rich people, or even that racialized people have a greater chance of suffering it than white people. This theory stands that traditional livelihoods have been historically shaped by the environmental conditions, and have learned to adapt to them, using sustainably the resources and the sinks available. According to Johanna oksala, for women living under harsh material conditions, environmental activism is simply a form of self-defense, because they want to protect their livelihood. This tendency of women activists to take the leading role in the environmentalism of the poor is manifested in examples such as the Chipko movement in India, the Green Belt Movement in Kenya, Local movements need international support to challenge major trans-national corporations, and environmentalism of the poor would need global influence to affect global issues such as the Holocene extinction crisis and climate change. Increasingly, local conflicts are finding international support and wider influence. For example, the struggle against the Tipaimukh Dam in India originated with poor people whose water source was being threatened, and that conflict became a dynamic and international resistance movement. International networks such as Oilwatch have also arisen from direct action taken by Indigenous peoples fighting against oil exploration in places like the Niger Delta, Colombia, and Peru. == Conflicts and alliances with other forms of environmentalism ==
Conflicts and alliances with other forms of environmentalism
Although there are some clear differences, the 'gospel of eco-efficiency', the 'cult of wilderness', and the 'environmentalism' of the poor overlap and intertwine in certain topics, and can form alliances. In the words of Martínez Alier, they have a lot in common, and all three are opposed by anti-environmentalists or despised or neglected by them, and in the Global South they are even attacked and killed. or the case of Indigenous Indians being expelled from their communal forests by governmental policy). However, poor and Indigenous people are not ignorant, and in fact are much more conscious of the necessity of biodiversity and the environment as a positive asset worthy of conservation. Over time, they have learned its value because their livelihoods depend on it. For example, poor farmers are often interested in preserving the environment and the soil because they know it is crucial for their material livelihood. In addition, Indigenous people often want to preserve the value of the environment because they have spiritual connections with it, which is also crucial for their livelihood. In Canada, Indigenous-led fire stewardship enhances ecosystem diversity, assists with the management of complex resources, and reduces wildfire risk by lessening fuel loads. Often Indigenous people are better managers of the biodiversity than private companies or than the State itself. Thus, an alliance between conservationists and poor environmentalists could lead to an effective protection and management of wilderness. Conservationists have begun to understand that 'poor people' will defend wilderness if they consider it as part of their livelihood. Conservationists are beginning to understand that nature should be protected by protecting its protectors. The 'gospel of eco-efficiency' and the 'environmentalism of the poor' While the environmentalism of the poor focuses on protecting livelihoods, the gospel of eco-efficiency focuses on optimizing the use of resources. The ideological basis for the gospel comes from an economistic view of nature and resources. Traditionally, the gospel has not been used to protect people's livelihoods, but rather to protect economic production and prolong it by making it more sustainable; they sought to optimize resources use not to preserve them, but to be able to keep exploiting them for a longer period. • In Montcada i Reixac (Catalonia) a large cement factory managed by Lafarge-Holcim shifted from burning coal to burning waste. This change was justified by its promoters as a form of preserving fossil fuels, reducing emissions associated with coal, and as a form of reducing the amount of waste thrown away. However, this caused the factory to become more polluting than before, since the burning of waste produces toxic particles that affects the entire Montcada i Reixac. This negative impact on people's livelihood added itself to the list of negative impacts that the factory already had prior to shifting to burning waste (noise pollution, emission of particles of cement, etc.). The Montcada i Reixac Anti-Incineration Platform "Montcada Aire Net" has since opposed this, organizing people to protect their livelihoods. As large monocultures managed with high-tech substituted smaller crops managed with low-tech, the environmental impacts associated also augmented. Widespread soil erosion and contamination, along with peasants dispossession caused by the expansion of monocultures, endangered the livelihoods of those small peasants. • The widespread adoption of genetically modified crops (GMOs) which are publicized as the solution to food insecurity and environmental impacts by big corporations such as Bayer-Monsanto, has impacted the livelihood of smaller peasants due to genetic contamination of seeds. Crops planted with GMOs pollinate plants planted in nearby crops that do not use GMOs, allowing for the owners of the GMOs patent to claim the ownership of the genetic code of the contaminated plants, thus negatively affecting the livelihood of the peasant who had planted them. Negative effects of GMO crops are strongly opposed by environmentalism of the poor movements such as La Via Campesina This shows that a lot of times the 'gospel' is aligned with economic interests, thus endangering people's livelihoods. However, this is not always the case: if it is not driven by the logic of maximizing benefits, an improvement in a certain production process can indeed reduce the impact of that economic activity, thus opening up space for livelihoods to develop more freely. For example, in locations that have implemented an efficient waste management program, environmental pollution has been effectively reduced. This is an example of how the 'gospel' can, through acting on the production side, open up space for non-productive activities. In addition, on a lot of occasions the 'gospel' can have a positive impact by acting on livelihoods side: on a lot of occasions to protect livelihoods it is necessary to optimize the use of resources that sustain that livelihood. For example: • For example, several rural communities around the world, that did not have access to the general electricity network before, have installed solar panels in their own houses to improve their accessibility to electricity. • Some other communities have implemented new techniques of forestry to make forestry more efficient, not to augment production, but to reduce the amount of resources that they use to sustain their livelihoods. • Another example would be the improvements made in health. Even though it is more complicated than that because there are a lot of economic interests in the healthcare industry, a lot of the advances in health science are made to improve people's livelihoods rather than just making production more efficient. For example, health improvements in cancer treatment will have a direct positive impact in people's livelihoods. • In Ahmedabad (India), an improvement of waste management policies opened up opportunities for informal waste pickers, which were formalized into public servants, thus improving their livelihoods while still having competitive rates of recycling. All those positive examples have one thing in common: in them technology is not used with a logic of maximizing economic production. It is rather used as a tool for conviviality, which Ivan Illich described as those which give each person who uses them the greatest opportunity to enrich the environment with the fruits of his or her vision. Illich also wrote that industrial tools deny this possibility to those who use them and they allow their designers to determine the meaning and expectations of others. Most tools today cannot be used in a convivial fashion. • On the contrary, there is evidence that due to the Jevons paradox, the majority of improvements in the cost-efficiency of economic activity does not result in reducing the costs themselves, but in being able to produce more with the same costs. The 'gospel of eco-efficiency' worries a lot about resources provided by natural capital and ecosystem services. In some instances, assuring those resources may involve the creation of natural areas, or even the restoration of degraded spaces. For example, forest management was born with the utilitarian objective of managing sustainably some forests to provide wood and other resources. For instance, carbon offsetting, or ecosystem restoration by businesses have been deemed as a form of greenwashing by some of those authors. However, some deep ecologists are practical and argue for the creation of separated and untouched natural reserves that can coexist with forms of economic activity, thus legitimizing the 'gospel of eco-efficiency' as long as it protects pristine natural areas. Less radical forms of conservationism argue that economic activity can coexist with natural spaces as long as this economic activity is eco-efficient. It is precisely in this context that the 'gospel of eco-efficiency' and the 'cult of wilderness' find the strongest alliance. For example, some authors argue that forest fires can be avoided by introducing extensive farming. Other authors argue that an eco-efficient industry based on nature-based solutions can coexist with conservationism. In general, less radical forms of conservationism see economic activity as something neutral as long as it does not threaten natural spaces. As Martínez Alier argues, they assert that technical change will make the production of commodities compatible with ecological sustainability, thus emphasizing the preservation of that part of Nature which is still outside the economy. In sum, they argue for sustainable development with the preservation of natural spaces. == Examples of 'environmentalism of the poor' ==
Examples of 'environmentalism of the poor'
Some examples of environmental struggles are: • The Chipko movement • The opposition to the Agua Zarca Dam for which the activist Berta Cáceres was assassinated. • The Green Belt Movement led by Wangari Maathai. • The struggles against solar and wind energy macroprojects in Southern Catalonia • The "empates" organized by the National Council of Rubber Tappers, which, led by Chico Mendes, fought against the destruction of "seringes" (sustainably managed rubber forests). Mendes was later assassinated to halt grassroots organizing. • The legal battle of activist Saúl Luciano Lliuya against RWE for its polluting activities. • The neighborhood struggles in Montcada i Reixac (Catalonia) against a Lafarge-Holcim cement factory that burns waste as a source of energy, and which causes toxic pollution and noise pollution. • The Great Sioux War of 1876, in which the Sioux fought for the preservation of their sacred mountains, the Black Hills • The struggle against the Fenix Nickel Project in Guatemala • The Cochabamba Water War in Bolivia • The struggle to protect a water body in Llinars del Vallès (Catalonia) from being built on by private developers. The struggle involved a resistance camp in the place, and ended up in the local government protecting the water. • The struggle against the privatization of water in Sainte-Soline (France) involved 30.000 people clashing with the police. • Residents and activists in Memphis, Tennessee have expressed concern about Elon Musk's xAI's supercomputer, which raised concerns about pollution from the number of methane generators being used without permits. == References ==
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