Undue influence of lobbyists A range of concerns have been raised over the access of lobbyists to Members of Parliament (MPs) in New Zealand. Unlike countries such as Australia or Canada, the lobbying industry is largely unregulated, and there is no dedicated watchdog or monitoring of lobbying activities. Lobbyists do not have to register, disclose their clients, or reveal their activities. This has allowed New Zealand to develop a “revolving door”, whereby former politicians and ministerial staff move into lobbying roles after leaving government. For example,
Kris Faafoi, a former Cabinet minister, became a lobbyist almost immediately after leaving politics. In 2024, former opposition National Party leader,
Simon Bridges was appointed as Chair of
NZTA by the National Government raising concerns about whether such appointments undermine impartiality and integrity of the public service. This raises concerns about the misuse of privileged information and future employment influencing current official decisions, and makes it difficult for the public to know who is influencing MPs on critical issues - fueling suspicion about potential backroom deals and undue influence by those with access. Both the Ministry of Justice and independent observers have warned that excessive influence, opaque lobbying, and the appearance of MPs “trading favours behind closed doors” threaten the integrity of New Zealand’s democracy.
Chumocracy Auckland University economics professor, Robert MacCulloch, believes that New Zealand's economic prosperity is being hindered because top jobs in Government agencies are being awarded to former politicians and connected insiders by the political party currently in power. He says New Zealand has become a 'chumocracy' and that this blocks more deserving, but non-connected Kiwis from aspiring to these roles - contributing to the economic stagnation and the loss of living standards.
Politicians: To illustrate his concern, MacCulloch points out that after the 2023 election, a number of Sir John Key-era politicians were given high-ranking jobs.
Simon Bridges was made chair of the Waka Kotahi;
Paula Bennett made chair of Pharmac;
Steven Joyce was given the infrastructure advisory chair;
Sir Bill English was given the role of reviewing state housing; and
Murray McCully was appointed to head an education inquiry.
Non-politicians: Non-politician VIPs appointed to important roles include former Treasury Secretary, Graham Scott, who Finance Minister
Nicola Willis made chair of her Social Investment Agency; Matt Burgess, who was a Cabinet adviser under
John Key, was returned to advise Prime Minister
Christopher Luxon;
Lester Levy appointed by John Key to chair the Auckland District Health Board, was appointed by Chris Luxon to chair Health New Zealand; Sir
Peter Gluckman, who was Key’s science adviser, has been appointed to head the advisory group for the sciences and universities.
Examples Lobbying by industry sectors has contributed to the adoption of "light-handed" or weak regulation in areas such as finance and building standards, with disastrous public consequences. For instance, the collapse of multiple finance companies since 2006 led to the loss of billions of dollars of investors' money. In 2011, this led to an overhaul of laws regulating finance companies and the creation of a new regulator - the Financial Markets Authority (FMA). The
leaky homes crisis in New Zealand, producing costs of $11 billion - estimated as half the true cost - has also been linked to lobbying efforts that prioritised industry profit over robust public protections. Lobbying by particular industries, especially in agriculture, liquor, hospitality, and processed foods, continues to shape policy outcomes. For example, efforts to introduce stricter alcohol and unhealthy food regulations have often been stymied or watered down due to lobbying pressure from these sectors. The tobacco industry has also been effective due to their links with the NZ First Party - undermining New Zealand's commitment to be smoke free by the end of 2025.
Opaque political donations Concerns have also been raised about political donations from wealthy individuals and corporations, which can grant privileged access and influence, particularly in the absence of robust disclosure laws. This further distorts the policy-making process in favour of those with financial resources.
High profile conflict of interest cases Taito Phillip Field (2009): Taito Philip Field, a former Labour MP and government minister, was sentenced to six years in prison in 2019 for bribery and corruption related to accepting free labor from people he assisted with immigration matters. '''Michael Wood's Airport Shares (2023)''': As Minister of Transport,
Michael Wood failed to sell significant shares in Auckland Airport, repeatedly ignoring official advice to do so, despite making ministerial decisions affecting the airport sector. This clear conflict led to his resignation and was cited as an explicit case of a minister putting personal profit ahead of public duty. '''Stuart Nash's Donor Dealings (2020–2023):''' While a minister in Cabinet,
Stuart Nash shared confidential Cabinet information with political donors who stood to benefit from government decisions, and advocated for a donor and friend to receive government appointments. This breached multiple ethical rules and demonstrating the misuse of public office for personal or associates' gain.
Jami-Lee Ross Donation Scandal (2018–2020): Ex-MP
Jami-Lee Ross was implicated in helping facilitate donations of almost $200,000 to the National Party. The donations were allegedly split into smaller amounts to avoid disclosure requirements. The incident caused significant reputational damage for the National Party. While no current senior officials were charged, the scandal highlighted vulnerabilities in donation laws and prompted widespread calls for reform.
New Zealand First Foundation Scandal (2019–2022): The NZ First Foundation collected almost $500,000 in donations from various wealthy donors, including those in food manufacturing, racing, forestry, and property development. These funds were used for party activities but were not properly disclosed, raising accusations of using a “secret slush fund” and allegedly breaching electoral rules. The Serious Fraud Office (SFO) prosecuted, although the trial ended without convictions due to technical legalities, the court affirmed that the donations should have been disclosed under the Electoral Act.
Casey Costello’s Tobacco Industry Advocacy: As Associate Health Minister,
Casey Costello has recommended and implemented policies that closely align with tobacco industry interests. She ordered a 50% cut to the excise tax on heated tobacco products, and repealed aspects of the 'smokefree' legislation which would have banned sales of cigarettes to anyone born after 2008. These policies represent a cut in tobacco excise available to Government of $1.6 billion a year and were implemented despite advice from health officials against it. Costello has been widely criticised as mirroring tobacco company strategy documents. == Police misconduct ==