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Ethnic groups in Burundi

Ethnic groups in Burundi include the three main indigenous groups of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa that have largely been emphasized in the study of the country's history due to their role in shaping it through conflict and consolidation. Burundi's ethnic make-up is similar to that of neighboring Rwanda. Additionally, recent immigration has also contributed to Burundi's ethnic diversity. Throughout the country's history, the relation between the ethnic groups has varied, largely depending on internal political, economic and social factors and also external factors such as colonialism. The pre-colonial era, despite having divisions between the three groups, saw greater ethnic cohesion and fluidity dependent on socioeconomic factors. During the colonial period under German and then Belgian rule, ethnic groups in Burundi experienced greater stratifications and solidification through biological arguments separating the groups and indirect colonial rule that increased group tensions. The post-independence Burundi has experienced recurring inter-ethnic violence especially in the political arena that has, in turn, spilled over to society at large leading to many casualties throughout the decades. The Arusha Agreement served to end the decades-long ethnic tensions, and the Burundian government has stated commitment to creating ethnic cohesion in the country since, yet recent waves of violence and controversies under the Pierre Nkurunziza leadership have worried some experts of potential resurfacing of ethnic violence. Given the changing nature of ethnicity and ethnic relations in the country, many scholars have approached the topic theoretically to come up with primordial, constructivist and mixed arguments or explanations on ethnicity in Burundi.

Indigenous population
Native Burundians belong to one of the three major ethnic groups in Burundi: the Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa peoples. The historical origins of ethnic differentiation between Hutu and Tutsi are disputed, however members of both groups consider themselves distinct. The Twa make up around 1 percent of Burundi's population. The Twa have historically been economically and politically marginalized by the other two ethnic groups. The inter-group dynamic in pre-colonial Burundi was not one rooted in deep antagonisms. Divisions did exist, however, as the groups were solidified and distinct especially via labor. While socio-economic roles played a major role in distinguishing one group from the other, the role of biological features is less known. There did seem to be notable divisions between what were referred to as generally light-skinned, tall Tutsis and dark-skinned shorter Hutus, but the role and magnitude of such characteristics is unclear. Consolidation under monarchy Given their wealth and warfare abilities, the shortage of land availability and conflict over it led to the Tutsi domination of Burundi in the 16th century through the establishment of a hierarchical monarchy ruled by divine kings or mwami, the first of which was Ntare I. usually those belonging to the princely class, and those who were deemed as “low”, or Tutsi-Hima, who were often subordinate to wealthier Hutus. Colonial era German rule After the Berlin Conference in 1884-5, Burundi came under German colonial sphere and then in 1890, it formally became a part of German East Africa. Given an inter-dynastic struggle between the two groups of the Bezi and the Batare, Germany was able to exploit the monarchical conflict and access power by siding with the Bezi in promise of a formal recognition of German rule in Burundi. Once in charge, Germany resorted to indirect rule given limitations of ability to rule directly and via settlement, and reached its objectives through the hierarchies in place. Out of fear of potential growth in the power of the monarch, German colonial rule empowered many of the chiefs in place which further enhanced the status of many Tutsi elites that had existed before. The amalgamation of such beliefs yielded to an anthropological hypothesis called the Hamitic hypothesis or “Hamitic myth”. The hypothesis argues that Tutsis were connected to the biblical Ham, and thus closer to the Christian world of Europeans themselves. This implied a genetic connection with East African peoples, although later scientific inquiries have refuted such claims. Additionally, a money-based economy was introduced to Burundi that served to change the previous nature of cattle as wealth, enabling a socio-economic mobility The extreme solidification of ideas of ethnic division under European rule have been described by some scholars as being a ‘racialization’ of what used to be a more socioeconomic, fluid idea of ethnicity. Burundi's post-colonial ethnic tensions have especially been compared to those in Rwanda, which saw similar ethnic tension between Hutu and Tutsi flare up into violence on several occasions, notably during the Rwandan genocide. Peace Talks-Present After years of violence and increasing deaths, peace talks began to take form starting in 1995. With international easing of sanctions against the Buyoya regime came greater engagement and push to unify ethnic divisions in Burundi. Rivaling Hutu and Tutsi factions began to partake in the talks that were first moderated by Julius Nyerere and then Nelson Mandela in 1999. During this time, fighting between various parties and factions did not stop however, and displacement and death toll kept rising. In 2000, the Arusha Agreement was reached, and the talks formally ended in 2001. After the presidency of Hutu Ndayizeye, more rebel groups signed peace accords and finally in 2005, after Hutu Pierre Nkurunziza took power, the final of the remaining Hutu rebel groups signed a peace agreement with the government, creating hope for national unity. Ceasefire agreements have continued on until 2008. 2005 also saw the introduction of a new power-sharing constitution. Three seats in each house of the Burundian government are allocated to the Twa. Various international organizations such as Amnesty International have been challenged by the government with accusations of not following ethnic quota guidelines, yet some have described this as simply a way of eliminating challenges to the increasing governmental powers. Combined with the expulsion or end of negotiation with many transnational organizations (e.g. U.N. Human Rights office), constitutional amendments such as ending the ethnic quota system implemented by the Arusha Agreement have caused much fear and controversy. The military itself has seen reemergence of some ethnic-related conflicts that have suggested that cohesion within the military has not been fully achieved after all. Additionally, the groups still view each other as different and this sometimes leads to skepticism and historical memory. == Theoretical approaches to ethnicity ==
Theoretical approaches to ethnicity
The complex idea and role of ethnicity in Burundi especially regarding its effects on Burundian history, has instigated studies regarding its creation and maintenance. Scholars, throughout history, have focused on what ethnicity in the country has been during varying eras and what distinguished one group from another, regarding the three dominant groups of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa. There have been various notable theoretical or abstract approaches to explain the idea of ethnicity and some have been more prevalent during certain eras in Burundian history than others. Constructivist argument The more constructivist approach or perspective argues that while there does exist ethnic divisions, what is crucial in understanding ethnicity in Burundi is its evolving nature depending on many external factors. Such factors included occupation and class, and others potentially related to socioeconomic reality. This suggests that ethnicity is not seen as primordial and is rather a constructed identity that is subject to change over time and due to conditions. Scholars of this perspective argue that there are no clear essentialist divisions especially when observing groups such as Hutus and the Tutsis. Although the constructivist approach can have generalizations, some scholars note how in Burundi, despite the consolidation of three major categories of ethnicity through state agency, there existed varying levels of divisions within the categories themselves. This means that the formation of ethnicity through certain lifestyles, status and economic standing could lead to ideas of cultural and ethnic consolidation, yet, in reality this consolidation may not have necessarily been as strongly in place as some suggest. Thus, even differences in lifestyle or external factors within a general group, could lead to further divisions. For example, ritualists within the Hutu ethnic group were often divided and seen as separate from the rest of the Hutus. Tutsis also had groups like the Hima that were viewed as culturally distinct from the broader Tutsi group but still identified as ethnically Tutsi. This shows a level of nuance regarding ideas of ethnicity in Burundi and how such ethnicities could even be further divided within themselves. Some scholars have referred to the pre-colonial political consolidation in Burundi that started to emphasize ethnic divisions. They have also described the political processes under the colonial administration as awakening a sense of ethnicity, belonging and difference. Other scholars have especially highlighted the post-independence Burundi where politics greatly influenced ethnicity and served to push the groups against one another. It is argued that politics makes ethnicity an instrument to achieve greater goals, yielding to greater inter-group divisions. ==Immigrant ethnic groups==
Immigrant ethnic groups
Besides the three dominant indigenous ethnic groups, a visible number of recent immigrants live in Burundi. Most come from neighboring Central African countries (especially the Congo, Tanzania, and Rwanda) but other come from West Africa. There are also European and Asian communities in the country numbering approximately 3,000 and 2,000 people respectively. In 2016, Burundi began to count the number of foreigners and immigrants in its country through a census. There were rumors of the government's intent on issuing biometric cards to all foreign nationals at that time in Burundi. Some politicians argued that the event was due to the tense atmosphere surrounding the Nkurunziza government, and accusations towards Rwanda of trying to incite violence in Burundi, especially against the government. To many, this mistrust towards Rwandans and to a lesser extent westerners (who could be representatives of organizations), is what triggered the attention given to non-indigenous populations in Burundi. ==See also==
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