Many feminists are strongly opposed to prostitution, as they see the practice as a form of
violence against women, which should not be tolerated by society. Feminists who hold such views on prostitution include
Kathleen Barry,
Melissa Farley,
Julie Bindel,
Sheila Jeffreys,
Catharine MacKinnon,
Andrea Dworkin, and
Laura Lederer. Their arguments against prostitution are explained and detailed below.
Coercion and poverty These feminists argue that, in most cases, prostitution is not a conscious and calculated choice. They say that most women who become prostitutes do so because they were forced or coerced by a
pimp or by
human trafficking, or, when it is an independent decision, generally is the result of extreme
poverty and lack of opportunity, or of serious underlying problems, such as
drug addiction, past trauma (such as
child sexual abuse), and other unfortunate circumstances. These feminists point out that women from the lowest socio-economic classes—impoverished women, women with a low level of education, and women from the most disadvantaged racial and ethnic minorities—are over-represented in prostitution all over the world; as stated by
Catherine MacKinnon: "If prostitution is a free choice, why are the women with the fewest choices the ones most often found doing it?". A large percentage of prostitutes polled in one study of 475 people involved in prostitution reported that they were in a difficult period of their lives and most wanted to leave the occupation. MacKinnon argues that "in prostitution, women have sex with men they would never otherwise have sex with. The money thus acts as a form of force, not as a measure of consent. It acts like physical force does in
rape." Some anti-prostitution scholars hold that true consent in prostitution is not possible.
Barbara Sullivan says: "In the academic literature on prostitution, there are very few authors who argue that valid consent to prostitution is possible. Most suggest that consent to prostitution is impossible, or at least unlikely." "[...] most authors suggest that consent to prostitution is deeply problematic, if not impossible [...] most authors have argued that consent to prostitution is impossible. For
radical feminists, this is because prostitution is always a coercive sexual practice. Others simply suggest that economic coercion makes the sexual consent of sex workers highly problematic, if not impossible...". Finally, abolitionists believe no person can be said to truly consent to their own oppression, and no people should have the right to consent to the oppression of others. In the words of
Kathleen Barry, consent is not a "good divining rod as to the existence of oppression, and consent to violation is a fact of
oppression. Oppression cannot effectively be gauged according to the degree of 'consent', since even in slavery, there was some consent, if consent is defined as inability to see any alternative."
Long-term effects on the prostitutes Anti-prostitution feminists argue that prostitution is a practice which leads to serious negative long-term effects for the prostitutes, such as trauma; stress;
depression;
anxiety;
self-medication through alcohol and drug use;
eating disorders; and a greater risk for
self-harm and
suicide, because prostitution is an exploitative practice, which involves a woman who has sex with customers to whom she is not attracted, and routinely exposes the women to psychological, physical and
sexual violence.
Andrea Dworkin stated her opinions as: "Prostitution in and of itself is an abuse of a woman's body. Those of us who say this are accused of being simple-minded. But prostitution is very simple. [...] In prostitution, no woman stays whole. It is impossible to use a human body in the way women's bodies are used in prostitution and to have a whole human being at the end of it, or in the middle of it, or close to the beginning of it. It's impossible. And no woman gets whole again later, after."
Male dominance over women Anti-prostitution feminists are extremely critical of
sex-positive perspectives, wherein prostitution by choice is said to be part of the
sexual liberation of women, that it can be empowering for women, etc. Some feminists who oppose prostitution agree that sexual liberation for women outside of prostitution is important in the fight for
gender equality, but they say it is crucial that society does not replace one patriarchal view on female sexuality – e.g., that women should not have sex outside marriage/a relationship and that
casual sex is shameful for a woman, etc. – with another similarly oppressive and patriarchal view – acceptance of prostitution, a sexual practice which is based on a highly patriarchal construct of sexuality: that the sexual pleasure of a woman is irrelevant, that her only role during sex is to submit to the man's sexual demands and to do what he tells her, that sex should be controlled by the man and that the woman's response and satisfaction are irrelevant. These feminists argue that sexual liberation for women cannot be achieved as long as unequal sexual practices where a man dominates a woman are normalized. Such feminists see prostitution as a form of male dominance over women, as the
client has sex with a woman who does not enjoy it and who may be making a tremendous psychological effort to mentally dissociate herself from the client. They say that the act of prostitution is not a mutual and equal sex act as it puts the woman in a subordinate position,
reducing her to a mere instrument of sexual pleasure for the client. These feminists believe that many clients use the services of prostitutes because they enjoy the "power trip" they derive from the act and the control they have over the woman during the sexual activity. Catharine MacKinnon argues that prostitution "isn't sex only, it's you do what I say, sex." Prostitution is seen by these feminists as the result of a patriarchal societal order which subordinates women to men and where the inequality between genders is present in all aspects of life. These feminists believe that prostitution is very harmful to society as it reinforces the idea that women are sex objects which exist for men's enjoyment, which can be "bought" and which can be "used" solely for men's sexual gratification. Anti-prostitution feminists argue that when a society accepts prostitution it sends the message that it is irrelevant how the woman feels during sex or what the consequences of sex will be for her, and that it is acceptable for a man to engage in sexual activity with a woman who does not enjoy it and who could be mentally and emotionally forcing herself to be able to cope; the normalization of such one sided sexual encounters might negatively affect the way men relate to women in general and might increase sexual violence against women. These feminists see prostitution as a form of
slavery, and say that, far from decreasing rape rates, prostitution leads to a sharp
increase in sexual violence against women, by sending the message that it is acceptable for a man to treat a woman as a sexual instrument over which he has total control. Melissa Farley argues that Nevada's high rape rate is connected to legal prostitution because Nevada is the only US state which allows legal brothels and is ranked 4th out of the 50 U.S. states for sexual assault crimes, saying, "Nevada's rape rate is higher than the U.S. average and way higher than the rape rate in California, New York and New Jersey. Why is this? Legal prostitution creates an atmosphere in this state in which women are not humans equal to them, are disrespected by men, and which then sets the stage of increased violence against women."
A consequence and correlate of violence against women Some feminists, including many who identify as supporting the abolition of prostitution, see the selling of sex as a potential after effect of violence against women. Those who support this position cite studies of violence experienced by women in prostitution prior to entering prostitution. Most (60% to 70%) were
sexually abused as children, 65% have been
raped, most of them before the age of 15, and many young women and girls enter prostitution directly from state care, at least in England, Norway, Australia and Canada. Prostitution abolitionists also object to the high rates of violence against women in the sex industry. Studies of women in prostitution show an extremely high level of violence is perpetrated against them. Figures vary across studies. One representative study showed 82% of respondents had been
physically assaulted since entering prostitution, 55% of those by clients. Additionally, 80% had been physically threatened while in prostitution, 83% of those with a weapon. 8% reported physical attacks by pimps and clients of a nature that resulted in serious injury, for example
gunshot wounds and
knife wounds. 68% reported having been raped since entering prostitution, 48% more than five times and 46% reporting rapes committed by clients. Finally, 49% reported
pornography was made of them while they were in prostitution and 32% had been upset by an attempt to make them do what clients had seen in pornography. Beyond the individual instances of violence or the history of violence suffered by most women in prostitution, prostitution abolitionists see prostitution itself as a form of male violence against women and children. Prostitution abolitionists also cite similarities between prostitution and violence against women. Farley, Lynne and Cotton (2005) argue the prostitution is most like
battery because it similarly involves a pattern of coercive and
controlling behaviour (by pimps, procurers, and traffickers as well as clients) that results in the control of the women in prostitution. Research conducted by Giobbe (1993) found similarities in the behaviour of pimps and batterers, in particular, through their use of
enforced social isolation, threats, intimidation, verbal and sexual abuse, attitudes of ownership, and extreme physical violence. Some prostitutes argue prostitution has similarities to rape because it is a form of sexuality that is entirely controlled by the client, as rape is a form of sexuality in which the rapist controls the interaction, disregarding the desires, physical well-being or emotional pain of the victim.
The raced and classed nature of prostitution Prostitution abolitionists often look at the factors of class and race when forming their arguments against prostitution to assess the power held by the client That is, they see prostitution as compelled by multiple forms of
oppressive social power, not just sexism against women. Some analysts on human rights issues surrounding prostitution, such as
Sigma Huda in her report for the
United Nations Commission on Human Rights, also adopt this approach:The act of prostitution by definition joins together two forms of social power (sex and money) in one interaction. In both realms (sexuality and economics), men hold substantial and systematic power over women. In prostitution, these power disparities merge in an act which both assigns and re-affirms the dominant social status of men over the subordinated social status of women. The demand for commercial sex is often further grounded in social power disparities of race, nationality,
caste and colour.Abolitionists attribute prostitution to women's comparative lack of economic resources.
Globalization and
neoliberalism have exacerbated already unequal economic relations, including by cutting back social spending in Northern and formerly socialist countries, and increasing the demand for cheap labour, including in prostitution, in both Southern and Northern countries. Combined with sex discrimination in wages and job type, sexual harassment in the workplace, and an undue burden of caring for children, the elderly and the ill, women are at a significant economic disadvantage in the current economic structure. Poverty is the single greatest "push" factor making women vulnerable to accepting prostitution as a means of subsistence. In addition,
racism shapes women's entry into prostitution, both because it makes women more vulnerable to prostitution and because clients demand racialized women in prostitution. Racism in education, economic and political systems affect the choices of women of colour. Additionally, racist sexualization, through pornography in particular, of Black and Asian women as over-sexed and submissive or otherwise available for prostitution contributes to the demand for specifically racialized women.
Massage parlours,
strip clubs, and other prostitution businesses are often located in poor and racialized neighbourhoods, encouraging clients to troll those neighbourhoods for women, making all women in those neighbourhoods vulnerable to prostitution-related harassment and women in those neighbourhoods more likely to accept their use in prostitution as normal. and in
Iceland (in 2009). In February 2014, the members of the European Parliament voted, in a non-binding resolution (adopted by 343 votes to 139; with 105 abstentions), in favor of the "Swedish Model" of criminalizing the buying, but not the selling, of sex. In 2014, the Council of Europe has made a similar recommendation, stating that "While each system presents advantages and disadvantages, policies prohibiting the purchase of sexual services are those that are more likely to have a positive impact on reducing trafficking in human beings". During 2011, the newly elected government of
Denmark began discussing the possibility of banning the buying of sexual services. while during 2009, there was lobbying taking place for such a law in
Hungary. These laws are a natural extension of the views of the feminists who oppose prostitution. These feminists reject the idea that prostitution can be reformed, and oppose any
harm reduction approach.
Trisha Baptie, a Canadian former prostitute, who now opposes the industry, and lobbies for the outlawing of buying sexual services, wrote: "Harm reduction? You can't make prostitution "safer"; prostitution is violence in itself. It is rape, the money only appeases men's guilt," "One of the most "
sex-positive" things you can do is make sure men cannot buy sex, because the buying of sex is violence against women and is a direct deterrent to women's equality." These feminists see prostitution as a form of
violence against women, and vehemently condemn the common pro-legalization argument that "prostitution has always existed, and will never go away", arguing that other violent acts such as murder, rape, and child sexual abuse have also always existed, and will never be eradicated either, and that is not a reason to legalize them. These feminists argue that the idea of legalizing prostitution to control it and "make it a little better", and reduce harm, is no different from the idea of legalizing domestic violence to control it and "make it a little better", and reduce harm. == Feminist responses to sex work ==