Much work has been done in the last fifty years to document the speech of Finnish Americans in the United States and Canada, though little new data has been brought forward in the last 25 years. Pertti Virtaranta did extensive research on the Finnish spoken in North America, particularly in the
Upper Midwest and
Canada, taking three trips from 1965 to 1980 to interview speakers. The interviews had standard questions asked of everyone, including why they (or their families) left Finland, what the trip was like, and what it was like to find a job once in America. Otherwise, the interviews consisted of free conversation on whatever subject the participants found most interesting. Maisa Martin wrote a dissertation on the phonology and morphology of American Finnish where she discusses the borrowings and changes between Finland Finnish and American Finnish. Donald Larmouth did extensive research on the Finnish used by four generations in rural Finnish communities in northern Minnesota, interviewing a total of 62 respondents. In his interviews he elicits personal narratives, has participants complete picture identification tasks with simple cartoons, and give translations of sentences. He documents what changes the language seems to have undergone, notably the
leveling of several
cases including the
accusative and
partitive. This previous work on American Finnish reveals a lower frequency of accusative case and partitive case in heritage bilingual speakers, with more pronounced changes the farther removed the generation was from the immigrant generation. In his interviews he elicits personal narratives, has participants complete picture identification tasks with simple cartoons, and give translations of sentences. While the partitive and accusative were vulnerable, other cases, including the
illative and
ablative, remained robust in the speech of these speakers, though adjective case endings were especially prone to deletion. These previous works focus primarily on Finnish speakers in Minnesota and Michigan, with Wisconsin underrepresented. The most common characteristic of historical Finglish were (in descending order of frequency): Words used in US Finglish often have completely different meanings in Finnish, especially when the Finglish terms are borrowings from English; they have become
expressive loans: (from and meaning 'room'; in Finnish meaning 'cargo hold'), ('beer'; 'district'), ('to play'; 'to hover'), ('crazy'; 'thigh'), and ('stove'; 'halyard'). US Finglish compound words can produce combinations completely incomprehensible to native Finnish speakers, like ('beer keg'; 'district cuckoo') or the somewhat less incomprehensible ('flight attendant'; 'air maid'). These older Finglish usages may not be bound to survive, and their original users are now in their 80s and 90s. The descendants of most American Finns are today either completely monolingual, or, if they have kept their ties to their grandparents' and great-grandparents' speech, use ordinary Finnish beside English. Example of old-style Finglish: which translates as For comparison, standard Finnish without anglicisms: Relatively few words from Finglish have become standard Finnish, but note 'log cabin' or '(temporary) accommodation', from English
camp; and 'miner'. These may, however, be direct borrowings from English in Finland. ==Later Finglish==