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Fujimorist propaganda

Fujimorist propaganda encompasses the political and media strategies employed to shape public opinion in Peru during and after the presidency of Alberto Fujimori. This propaganda apparatus, orchestrated primarily by Fujimori’s intelligence advisor Vladimiro Montesinos, sought to control Peru's media landscape, suppress opposition, and cultivate a favorable public image of Fujimori’s regime. Rooted in the military plan known as Plan Verde, which outlined the establishment of an authoritarian and neoliberal state, these efforts intensified after Fujimori’s 1992 "self-coup" that dissolved Peru’s Congress and judiciary, consolidating power in the executive branch.

Background
Plan Verde In the late 1980s, the Peruvian Armed Forces drafted Plan Verde, which included objectives that involved the genocide of impoverished and Indigenous peoples of Peru, the control or censorship of media in the nation and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta in Peru. After winning the 1990 Peruvian general election, Alberto Fujimori would be approached by the armed forces and go on to adopt many of the policies outlined in Plan Verde. According to Rospigliosi, Vladimiro Montesinos, a lawyer and friend of Fujimori, was not initially involved with Plan Verde, but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted with the armed forces tasking Montesinos with implementing the plan with Fujimori, The 1992 Peruvian self-coup removed political obstacles set by Congress against the Fujimori government, allowing the military to implement the objectives outlined in Plan Verde Montesinos, the head of the National Intelligence Service (SIN), would subsequently become the most powerful leader in Peru, using the intelligence agency to control all state functions including the armed forces, Congress, the courts, election boards, banks and media organizations. The smaller size of state bodies following sell-offs to foreign companies and the reduction of state employees would also more funding for populist programs. == History ==
History
Fujimori government Propaganda was used by Montesinos to maintain nearly all functions within the government, with the government becoming the largest advertiser in Peru during the Fujimori government. From 1992 to 2000, much of the information in Peru was controlled by Vladimiro Montesinos, with the government allowing a meager opposition media to exist only to deflect criticism from governments of the Western world and to warn of rising crises from opponents. Between 1997 and 1999, funding on state propaganda would increase 52 percent. This support for Alberto Fujimori and the idea that he "saved" Peru in the 1990s would project support down to his daughter Keiko Fujimori and son Kenji Fujimori, Alberto's political successors. El Comercio, one of the largest media organizations in South America, has been described as supporting Keiko Fujimori, with Mario Vargas Llosa saying that the conservative newspaper "has become a propaganda machine to favour the candidacy of Keiko Fujimori" during the 2011 Peruvian general election while Reuters wrote that during the 2021 Peruvian general election, El Comercio "generally backed Fujimori". == Themes ==
Themes
Enemies Leftists The Fujimori government utilized terruqueos, a negative campaigning and often racist method of fearmongering that involves describing anti-Fujimorists, left-wing political opponents and those who are against the neoliberal status quo as terrorists or terrorist sympathizers, with the tactic being used to create a culture of fear. Using this technique with the help of the SIN The Fujimori government would discredit those who opposed it, including dissenters from the government, with political scientist Daniel Encinas saying that this would evolve into conservative politicians using the attack to target those opposed to Fujimori's neoliberal economic policies and that the right-wing used the terruqueo as a "strategy of manipulating the legacy of political violence". Following the 1992 Peruvian self-coup, Fujimori would broaden the definition of terrorism in an effort to criminalize as many actions possible to persecute left-wing political opponents. Ultimately, a culture of fear was created by Fujimori according to Jo-Marie Burt, with individuals fearing that they would be described as a terrorist. Values Anti-elitism The Fujimori government used anti-elitism as a populist tactic according to Kay. Much of Fujimori's image was directly linked to his appearance as a political outsider, which was specially crafted by the media in Peru. Fujimori was presented by the government as being Japanese and not from the criollo white elite groups in Lima, identifying himself as being similar to the mestizos and indigenous Peruvians. In a propaganda effort during the 2000 Peruvian general election, the Fujimori government described Alberto Andrade as a candidate for the "white business elite", saying that Andrade would only support the rich. During campaigning for the 2000 Peruvian general election, the Fujimori government disseminated through a negative campaigning effort in the chicha press that his opponent, Alejandro Toledo, was involved in a prostitution mafia and would bring more crime to Peru. Neoliberalism In order to support crony capitalism occurring within Peru, Fujimorism used the media to promote neoliberalism in an effort to create "an illusionistic state apparatus". Social projects Social projects, especially in the Andes, were common during the Fujimori government; despite promoting a liberalized economy without government interference, the executive would provide social spending only because it could gain support through tangible resources and increased reliance on the relationship with the president. Ribbon-cutting ceremonies featuring Fujmori in Andean apparel and a crowd of peasants were disseminated through television broadcasts as Fujimori would promote his "direct democracy, without parties". Fujimorists would also provide items such as books, construction supplies and food to individuals in poor communities in an effort to build support. == See also ==
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