All the varieties of Gallo-Picene are part of the linguistic group of Gallo-Italic dialects, together with Emilian, Ligurian, Lombard, Piedmontese and Romagnol, especially from the phonetic point of view. They can be briefly summarised as follows: • Palatization of
a in free syllables, a phenomenon also found in Perugia, which occurs systematically in the Pesaro dialect and in the variants of the Urbino and Metauro countryside (with the exception of some dialects); for example, in Pesaro
chèsa is used for house, falegnèm for carpenter,
chèr for dear,
pèdra for father, while in Fano and in the city of Urbino
chèsa,
falegnàm,
càr,
pàder or
pàdre are used); • The tonic
i before a nasal becomes
é (or a diphthong
éi) in Pesaro and in the areas bordering
Romagna (
vén or
véin for wine,
cucéna or
cucéina for cooking) • The open pronunciation of final stressed
e (
mε,
trε,
perchε, especially in Pesaro and Urbino, while in Fano and Senigallia the pronunciation is generally closed as in standard
Italian); • The different distribution of open and closed vowels (
béne,
éra,
sédia), in particular in the dialects of the Marecchiese sub-area and of the Pesaro countryside bordering Romagna (
Gabicce Mare and
Gradara), in which this type of pronunciation is even more marked (
sémpre,
niénte,
lénto ma
lèsso,
mòndo,
sèmbra ma
ròtto,
strètto), a phenomenon which also continues in the Rimini-type Romagnol dialect; • The reduction to
ì of the diphthong "iè" in a free syllable in the Pesaro variant (
pìd for "foot",
pìtra for "stone",
bichìr for "glass"), while in Urbino and Senigallia the diphthong is maintained with a narrow pronunciation (
piéd or
pìa for "foot",
diétra for "behind",
piétra for "stone",
bichiér for "glass"); • The final unstressed sounds disappear completely, as do many of the medials with the exception of -a (
dmèn -
dmàn in the Fano and Urbino variants for "tomorrow",
fémna for "female"), with a consequent drastic reduction of syllables in polysyllabic words ( stmèn -stmàn in the Fano and Urbino variants for "weeks"); this phenomenon occurs in a slightly different way in Senigallia, where vowels with an indistinct timbre (schwa) sometimes appear in place of the etymological vowels. On the consonantal level, notable features are: • The simplification of intense consonants, in pre-accentual position in almost all variants and, in Pesaro and Fano, also in post-accentual position (e.g. in Pesaro
cità,
dòna,
ragàza, while in Urbino they say
dònna and
ragàssa), a phenomenon which however also borders on linguistically "median" territory, as demonstrated by the dialect of Ancona; • The lenition of intervocalic voiceless sounds (
avùd for "had",
fadìga for "fatigue",
fóg for "fire"), which extends even further south into the central Marche region, and can also be found in Jesi and Osimo (
magnado for "eaten",
dide for "you say"). • The voicing of intervocalic
s, present throughout the area and as far as Ancona. Among the morphological-syntactic traits, we can note the plurals in
-ai,
-ei,
-oi from singulars in "-al, -el, -ol", as also in
Veneto (
cavài,
cavéi,
fagiói) and then, in the Pesaro sub-area, the personal subject pronouns of the type
mε,
tε for "I" "you", and the reduplication of the entire pronominal series with forms without accent (in Pesaro
mε a parle "I speak",
tε t zi "you are", ''ló 'l bala
"he dances", lori i bala
"they dance", el vènt el tira'', etc.), phenomena typical of Gallo-Italic dialects. Another characteristic that directly refers to other Gallo-Italic idioms is the loss of internal and final unstressed vowels (other than /a/) and the reduction in protony: /bli:n/ (bellino). The typical Gallo-Italic metaphony is also present and the reduction of double vowels in postonic position /surE:la/. Up to the Metauro river, the presence of subject clitics and the transition from /a/ > /E/ in free syllables and the transition from /ts/, /dz/ > /s/, /z/ are documented: /tsio/ > /sio/ (zio), /dzeta/ > /zeta/ (zeta). ==Examples==