Overall In 2009, 26% of Indigenous Australians living in remote areas experienced 40% of the health gap of Indigenous Australians overall. The most common cause of hospital admissions for Indigenous Australians is for
kidney dialysis treatment, . End-stage kidney (or renal) disease (ESKD or ESRD) and
hospitalisation for the is much higher among Indigenous than non-Indigenous Australians, in particular those living in remote areas, who are 70 times more likely to be hospitalised. A 2007 study by the
University of Queensland found that the 11 largest preventable contributions to the Indigenous
burden of disease in Queensland were from the joint contribution of 11 risk factors, with the top three being
high body mass (12.1%),
tobacco (11.6%), and
inadequate physical activity (7.9%).
high cholesterol,
alcohol,
high blood pressure,
low intake of fruit and vegetables,
intimate partner violence,
illicit drugs,
child sexual abuse and
unsafe sex completed the list. A 2014 follow-up report concluded that the "leading causes of disease and injury burden in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population were largely the same as in the non-Indigenous population: mental disorders, cardiovascular disease, diabetes, chronic respiratory disease and cancers" in the 2007 study. However, the rate and age distribution between the two populations are very different. Mental disorders and cardiovascular disease account for almost a third of the burden, with diabetes, chronic respiratory disease and cancers the next three leading causes. Also, Indigenous people carried a disproportionate share of the total disease burden for the state, increasing as remoteness increased. The study also highlighted the lack of data on epidemiology of many of the conditions suffered by the Indigenous population. Each of these indicators is expected to underestimate the true prevalence of disease in the population due to reduced levels of diagnosis. • for remote communities, poor access to health services • for urbanised Indigenous Australians, cultural pressures which prevent access to health services •
cultural differences resulting in poor communication between Indigenous Australians and health workers
Diabetes Anthropological research has revealed that Indigenous Australians often interpret diabetes using cultural and social frameworks that differ from biomedical models. These perspectives challenge public health narratives that portray the disease as primarily an individual lifestyle issue. Anthropologist Françoise Dussart's ethnographic study of the Warlpiri in Central Australia found that community members did not misinterpret medical advice, but rather adapted it to reflect kinship responsibilities, independence, and mobility. One participant stated that staying near a clinic "is anathema to contemporary Warlpiri people…whose identity is still very much rooted in nomadism." Diabetes management occurs alongside practices such as attending ceremonies, food sharing, and family bonding, all of which may conflict with biomedical directives. Dussart refers to this as part of the "indigenization of modernity," in which external systems are reshaped to meet local requirements. Drinking soft drinks can be attributed to a number of interconnected factors. For example, in Ngukurr, high levels of chlorination and sediment in tap water make it unpleasant to drink, and they believe it is poisoned, resulting in a historical positioning of drinking water in the community and perceiving soft drinks as a health-seeking behaviour. While dietary changes were encouraged, prevention and treatment were rarely linked to clinical advice, and medical interventions were occasionally viewed sceptically.
Cancers The incidence rate of cancer in Indigenous Australians compared with non-Indigenous Australians has varied between 2009 and 2017 and by state, but mostly showing a higher rate at between 1.1% and 1.4% for all cancers. Lung and
breast cancers were the most common in the Indigenous population, and both
lung and
liver cancers were more common in the Indigenous than non-Indigenous population. Overall mortality rate from cancer was higher in New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, WA, and the NT 2007–2014 (50% vs 65%, or 1.3 times as likely to die); this may be because they are less likely to receive the necessary treatments in time, or because the cancers that they tend to develop are often more lethal than other cancers. Indigenous Australians have lower participation rates in cancer prevention and treatment programmes, particularly for breast, cervical, and gastrointestinal cancers, compared to non-Indigenous Australians. While public discourse sometimes attributes this to a lack of understanding or individual healthcare choices, The absence of such culturally appropriate methods can discourage participation, with people living in remote areas often facing high travel costs to access specialised screening facilities.
Smoking In 2008, 45% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults were current daily smokers. In 2010 the Australian Government have put in place a 10-year program aimed at improving the health of Indigenous and Torres Strait Island. Specific types of cancer including lung and cervical cancer occurs to 52% of indigenous women due to their smoking habit. Research indicates that Indigenous Australian concepts of health and illness differ from the Western biomedical perspective, which diagnoses illness through individual physical symptoms. A biosocial approach has been proposed, one that recognises how cultural identity, community connections and historical experiences shape health outcomes. Healing may therefore involve community involvement or restoring historical gaps, and only later drawing on biomedical treatment such as counselling or medication.
Mental health,
suicide and
self-harm remain major concerns, with the suicide rate being double that of the non-Indigenous population in 2015, and young people experiencing rising mental health rates. A 2017 article in
The Lancet described the
suicide rate among Indigenous Australians as a "catastrophic crisis": The report advocates Indigenous-led national response to the crisis, asserting that suicide prevention programmes have failed this segment of the population. Intergenerational trauma from the
Stolen Generations has further worsened these conditions, resulting in high incidences of
anxiety,
depression,
PTSD and suicide which has resulted in unstable parenting and family situations. A mistrust of Western psychiatry persists among Indigenous people, partly due to past segregation policies that removed people from their families and communities, imposing treatment without cultural understandings. The survey indicated that anxiety is the most common condition with females suffering at 21% and males at a lower, 12%. The 2004–05 National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey (NATSIHS) by the
ABS found that, after adjusting for age differences between the two populations, Indigenous adults were more than twice as likely as non-Indigenous adults to be current daily smokers of tobacco. The definition of "risky" and "high-risk" consumption used is four or more standard drinks per day average for males, two or more for females. The 2007 National Drug Strategy Household Survey reported that Indigenous peoples were "more likely than other Australians to abstain from alcohol consumption (23.4% versus 16.8%) and also more likely to consume alcohol at risky or high-risk levels for harm in the short term (27.4% versus 20.1%)". These NDSHS comparisons are non-age-standardised; the paper notes that Indigenous figures are based on a sample of 372 people and care should be exercised when using Indigenous figures. A 2016 study reported that in the
Northern Territory (which has the greatest proportion of Indigenous Australians than any other state or territory, at 32%), per capita alcohol consumption for adults was 1.5 times the national average. In addition to the health risks associated with alcohol use, there is a relationship among alcohol abuse, violence and trauma. There has been increasing media attention to this problem, but it defies simple analysis or solutions as the issues are complex and intertwined. The study attempted to collate existing data on the problems and attempts to address them, concluding that more funding is needed to investigate the feasibility and suitability of the various interventional approaches in the Northern Territory. Indigenous Australians were 1.6 times as likely
abstain completely from alcohol than non-Indigenous people in 2012–13. Twice as many men as women drink alcohol, and more likely to drink to risky levels.
Foetal alcohol syndrome has been a problem, but the rate of pregnant women drinking had dropped from 20% in 2008 to 10% in 2015. To combat the problem, a number of programs to prevent or mitigate alcohol abuse have been attempted in different regions, many initiated from within the communities themselves. These strategies include such actions as the declaration of "
dry zones" within Indigenous communities, prohibition and restriction on point-of-sale access, and community policing and licensing. In the 1980s, the
psychoactive drug
kava was introduced into the NT by
Pacific Islander missionaries as an alternative to alcohol, as a safer alternative to alcohol. In 2007, commercial import of kava was banned, but
Fiji and
Vanuatu have asked the government to lift the ban.
Petrol sniffing has been a problem among some remote Indigenous communities. Petrol vapour produces euphoria and dulling effect in those who inhale it, and due to its widespread availability, became a popular drug. Proposed solutions to the problem became a topic of heated debate among politicians and the community at large. In 2005 this problem among remote Indigenous communities was considered so serious that a new, low aromatic petrol
Opal was distributed across the Northern Territory to combat it. A 2018
longitudinal study by the
University of Queensland, commissioned by the
National Indigenous Australians Agency, reported that the number of people sniffing petrol in the 25 communities studied had declined by 95.2%, from 453 to just 22. However volatile substance misuse (VSM) was found to continue to occur in several communities, mostly occasionally and opportunistically. The 2018 UQ study also reported that alcohol and cannabis were the drugs causing most concern in many of the 25 communities studied. "Alcohol was reported as being in regular use in 22 communities, and occasionally present in two others. Cannabis was reported as being in regular use in all 25 communities, and a serious problem in 20 communities. Ice was reported to be present in 8 of the 25 communities" (although mostly only occasional use). Hill et al. (2022) report that treatment in alcohol and other drug ('AoD') programs host disproportionally high numbers of young Aboriginal people compared to other groups. Additionally, the same study highlighted an essential element of healing for these indigenous youth involves the implementation of an Aboriginal knowledge and belief paradigm that upholds young Aboriginal peoples' understanding of health, healing and wellbeing. AoD programs focus on prevention, education, treatment, and support for individuals dealing with addiction or other negative impacts of substance issues. Marijuana and amphetamines were the most common types of drugs used. Methods such as interviews and participant observation led Hill et al. (2022) to recommend that social inequalities, economic disparities, government policy, and Australia's traumatic colonial history are significant risk factors influencing the increased health inequalities and illness faced by Aboriginal youth. Additionally, family violence and cultural violence largely contribute to AoD abuse amongst young Aboriginal people. Problems in the implementation of rehabilitation programs are strongly linked to the disproportionately high numbers of Aboriginal youth as patients and few Aboriginal staff.
Violence and accidents Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, particularly men, experience significantly higher rates of death from accidents and acts of violence compared to non-Indigenous Australians. Domestic and family violence is a major contributing factor to these outcomes, affecting safety, well-being, and community cohesion in urban, regional, and remote areas. These disparities have been linked to the lasting impacts of colonisation, dispossession, and systemic injustice, which have shaped the conditions under which many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families live. Additionally, crowded living conditions result in poor mental and physical health, with Indigenous households having an average size of 3.5 persons compared to Australias 2.5. Overcrowding adds social stress and acts as an aggravating factor in physical and mental health, contributing to higher rates of domestic violence. In Western Australia, Indigenous children comprise over 60% of those in out-of-home care, a proportion that has increased more than fourfold over the past two decades. In Western Australia between 1997 and 2007, the IPD incidence rate was 47 cases per 100,000 population per year among Aboriginal people and 7 cases per 100,000 population per year in non-Aboriginal people. Today, average rates of tooth decay in Aboriginal children are twice as high as non-Aboriginal children. A 2003 study found that complete loss of all natural teeth was higher for Aboriginal people of all age groups (16.2%) compared to non-Aboriginal people (10.2%). Changes in the Australian Indigenous diet away from a traditional diet, which had originally contained high levels of protein and vitamins. High in fibre and sugar and low in saturated fats – to a diet high in sugar, saturated fats and refined carbohydrates has negatively affected the oral health of Indigenous Australians.
Hearing loss Aboriginals experience a high level of
conductive hearing loss largely due to the massive incidence of
middle ear disease among the young in Aboriginal communities. Aboriginal children experience middle ear disease for two and a half years on average during childhood compared with three months for non indigenous children. If untreated it can leave a permanent legacy of hearing loss. The higher incidence of deafness in turn contributes to poor social, educational and emotional outcomes for the children concerned. Such children as they grow into adults are also more likely to experience employment difficulties and find themselves caught up in the criminal justice system. Research in 2012 revealed that nine out of ten Aboriginal prison inmates in the
Northern Territory suffered from significant hearing loss. Andrew Butcher speculated in 2018 that the lack of
fricatives and the unusual
segmental inventories of
Australian languages may be due to the very high presence of otitis media ear infections and resulting hearing loss in their populations. People with hearing loss often have trouble distinguishing different vowels and hearing fricatives and
voicing contrasts. Australian Aboriginal languages thus seem to show similarities to the speech of people with hearing loss, and avoid those sounds and distinctions which are difficult for people with early childhood hearing loss to perceive. At the same time, Australian languages make full use of those distinctions, namely place of articulation distinctions, which people with otitis media-caused hearing loss can perceive more easily. This hypothesis has been challenged on historical, comparative, statistical, and medical grounds. ==Health dynamics==