English legal historian
Maurice Vile views Taylor as "in some ways the most impressive political theorist that America has produced." The historian
Clyde N. Wilson describes Taylor as "the systematic philosopher of
Jeffersonian democracy" and as "representing 'both a
conservative allegiance to local community and inherited ways and a radical-
populist suspicion of
capitalism, 'progress,' government and routine
logrolling politics.'" According to historian Adam L. Tate, Taylor was "an
agrarian who 'viewed happiness as possession of family, farm, and leisure,' had no great love for
organized religion, social hierarchy, and other such traditional institutions." Joseph R. Stromberg wrote, "Taylor took solid liberal ground in holding that men were a mixture of good and evil. Self-interest was the only real constant in human action.... Indeed, while other thinkers, from
Thomas Jefferson to
Federalist John Adams, agonized over the need for a virtuous citizenry, Taylor took the view that 'the principles of a society may be virtuous, though the individuals composing it are vicious.'" Taylor's solution to the effects of factionalism was to "remove the base from under the stock jobbers, the banks, the paper money party, the tariff-supported manufacturers, and so on; destroy the system of patronage by which the executive has corrupted the legislature; bring down the usurped authority of the
Supreme Court." "The more a nation depends for its liberty on the qualities of individuals, the less likely it is to retain it. By expecting publick good from private virtue, we expose ourselves to publick evils from private vices."
Slavery Taylor wrote in defense of slavery but admitted that it was wrong. "Let it not be supposed that I approve of slavery because I do not aggravate its evils, or prefer a policy which must terminate in a war of extermination." Rather, he defended the institution because he "thought blacks incapable of liberty." "Taylor is one with most American thinkers from Washington to Jefferson to Lincoln in doubting that the free Negro could ever be anything but a problem for American politics." Thus, he advocated the deportation of
free blacks. "Negro slavery is a misfortune to agriculture, incapable of removal, and only within the reach of palliation." Taylor criticized Jefferson's ambivalence towards slavery in
Notes on the State of Virginia. Taylor agreed with Jefferson that the institution was evil but took issue with Jefferson's repeated references to the specific cruelties of slavery. Taylor argued that "[s]laves are docile, useful and happy, if they are well managed," that "[t]he individual is restrained by his property in the slave, and susceptible of humanity, and that "[r]eligion assails him [the slaveholder] both with her blandishments and terrors. It indissolubly binds his, and his slaves' happiness or misery together." That slavery might paradoxically have fostered a sense of equality among whites has been reconsidered recently by
Edmund S. Morgan. Taylor's approach, defending the preservation of slavery under the circumstances and apprehensions of his day, would be used to support more emphatic defenses of slavery by writers, such as
John C. Calhoun,
Edmund Ruffin, and
George Fitzhugh, who extended the argument by claiming the institution to be a "positive good."
States' rights Stromberg says that Taylor's role in calling for Virginia's secession in 1798 and his role in the
Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions "show how seriously he took the reserved rights [interposition (nullification) and secession] of these primary political communities [the States]." Taylor was responsible for guiding the Virginia Resolution, written by
James Madison, through the Virginia legislature. He wrote: "enormous political power invariably accumulates enormous wealth and enormous wealth invariably accumulates enormous political power." "Like his radical bourgeois counterparts in England, Taylor would not concede that great extremes of wealth and poverty were natural outcomes of differences in talent; on the contrary they were invariably the result of extra-economic coercion and deceit." "Along with
John Randolph of Roanoke and a few others, Taylor opposed Madison's War of 1812—his own party's war—precisely because it was a war for empire." Tate (2011) undertakes a literary criticism of Taylor's book
New Views of the Constitution of the United States, arguing it is structured as a forensic historiography modeled on the techniques of 18th-century whig lawyers. Taylor believed that evidence from American history gave proof of state sovereignty within the union, against the arguments of nationalists such as Chief Justice John Marshall. ==Legacy==