MarketKivu conflict
Company Profile

Kivu conflict

The Kivu conflict is an umbrella term for a series of protracted armed conflicts in the North Kivu and South Kivu provinces in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo which have occurred since the end of the Second Congo War. Including neighboring Ituri province, there are more than 120 different armed groups active in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Currently, some of the most active rebel groups include the Allied Democratic Forces, the Cooperative for the Development of the Congo, the March 23 Movement, and many local Mai Mai militias. In addition to armed groups and the governmental FARDC troops, a number of national, regional and international forces have intervened militarily in the conflict, including the United Nations force known as MONUSCO, the militaries of Uganda and Burundi, and a force from the East African Community known as the East African Community Regional Force. The Kivu region is thus regarded as a key geopolitical arena, where local armed groups intersect with broader regional rivalries and international strategic interests. Analysts note that competition over natural resources, cross-border alliances, and external interventions have transformed the conflict from a purely domestic issue into a wider geopolitical struggle.

Background
Ethnic tensions in the AFDL rebellion During the First Congo War (1996–1997), the rapid advance of the Alliance des forces démocratiques pour la libération du Congo (AFDL) brought the Banyamulenge into the national spotlight, increasing their political influence and visibility while also worsening cycles of retaliatory violence with neighboring ethnic groups. In early 1996, mounting unrest in South Kivu coincided with the direct involvement of regional militaries, as the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), Uganda's People's Defence Force, and the Forces armées burundaises (FAB) provided support to Banyamulenge militias and other Tutsi armed factions in eastern Zaire. In April, Banyamulenge and allied Tutsi fighters killed eight to ten refugees at Runingu camp. That same day, Banyamulenge forces attacked Lemera Hospital, killing 37 people, including medical staff, civilians, and wounded FAZ soldiers, and looting the facility. Other violence followed on the night of 13–14 October, when the Runingu camp was attacked, leaving at least four people dead and seven wounded. Concurrently, the AFDL coalition was being assembled in Kigali under Rwandan supervision, serving in part "as a smokescreen for the ambitions of Rwanda, Uganda, and Angola, whose troops would do much of the fighting". The coalition united four separate Congolese opposition groups under the leadership of Laurent-Désiré Kabila. Among them was the Alliance démocratique des peuples (ADP), dominated by Congolese Tutsi and led by Banyamulenge figures such as Dugu wa Mulenge, Joseph Rubibi, and Samson Muzuri. Although Banyamulenge leaders were wary of Kabila because of his role in the Simba rebellion and later uprisings in Fizi Territory during the 1960s and 1970s, they largely viewed the AFDL as vital to their "survival and political emancipation". Several hundred Banyamulenge joined the movement and received military training from Rwandan instructors. The AFDL uprising also transformed leadership dynamics within the Banyamulenge community, as the authority of customary elders declined and younger political and military figures gained influence. After the AFDL's victory and during its period in power between 1997 and 1998, Banyamulenge were appointed to several high-ranking posts in South Kivu's provincial administration and in the administration of Uvira Territory, a development that provoked resentment among other ethnic groups. Notable appointments included Benjamin Serukiza as vice-governor of South Kivu, Jonas Sebatunzi as public prosecutor, and Mutabazi Muntu as director of the Agence nationale de renseignements (ANR). At the national level, Banyamulenge held fewer positions, although Bizima Karaha was named Minister of Foreign Affairs, Moïse Nyarugabo became secretary-general of the Office des biens mal acquis (OBMA), Samson Muzuri was appointed ambassador to Germany, and others served as senior advisers in various ministries. Despite these advances, ties between the Banyamulenge and Rwanda weakened after the AFDL took power. Many Banyamulenge felt that their close association with Rwanda cast doubt on their Congolese citizenship and left them reliant on Kigali for security. Some argued that Rwanda had leveraged their vulnerable social status to advance its own strategic interests rather than to secure Banyamulenge rights. These tensions were compounded by conflicting understandings of identity: while some Rwandan officials viewed the Banyamulenge as part of a wider Rwandan diaspora, most Banyamulenge continued to affirm their Congolese nationality. This gap in perception was mirrored in persistent rumours that Rwanda planned to resettle the entire Banyamulenge population in Kibuye, in western Rwanda, a proposal allegedly discussed with Banyamulenge leaders in December 1996. Other friction stemmed from the Banyamulenge's subordinate role within the reconstituted Congolese Armed Forces (Forces armées congolaises; FAC). During the rebellion, they had served mainly in lower ranks under Rwandan command and increasingly demanded greater authority after the war. FRF and the RCD insurgency Tensions peaked in February 1998 when reports that Colonel James Kabarebe, the Rwandan chief of staff of the Congolese army, planned to redeploy Banyamulenge officers outside the Kivu region started a mutiny in Bukavu. Led by Eric Ruhorimbere, Venant Bisogo, and Mukalay Mushondo, the revolt subsided after Kabarebe personally intervened. Violence continued in March 1998, when around thirty Banyamulenge deserters attacked Rwandan troops in Bukavu, reportedly in response to mistreatment. Led by Richard Tawimbi and Michel "Makanika" Rukunda, many of the rebels were captured, and several were sentenced to death. In June 1998, about thirty Banyamulenge intellectuals and activists convened in Bujumbura to establish an independent political organization. Participants included Manassé "Müller" Ruhimbika, head of the NGO Groupe Milima; Joseph Mutambo, a university lecturer whose parliamentary bid in 1982 had been rejected due to alleged "dubious nationality"; and Gasore Zébédée, a former adviser to a Kinshasa minister. On 14 June 1998, they created the Forces républicaines fédéralistes (FRF), an underground party that for many years served as the only independent political platform representing Banyamulenge interests. The FRF promoted federalism as a less confrontational alternative to dependence on Rwanda and called for the establishment of a self-governing administrative unit on the Hauts Plateaux with broad authority, including its own security forces. Subsequent regional developments, however, quickly eclipsed the FRF's initiatives. In July 1998, former AFDL spokesperson and now President Laurent-Désiré Kabila, demanded that Rwandan troops leave Congolese territory. In response, Rwanda backed a new insurgency, the Rassemblement congolais pour la démocratie (RCD), which launched on 2 August 1998. This put the Banyamulenge in a vulnerable position: they faced attacks from Mai-Mai militias while being targeted by Kabila's government, which portrayed them as Rwandan proxies. Official discourse in Kinshasa became increasingly inflammatory, including public calls for the eradication of those described as "vermin" poisoning the nation, rhetoric that coincided with the killing of dozens of Banyamulenge soldiers by non-Banyamulenge comrades in military camps in Kinshasa, Kamina, Kisangani, and Kananga. In response, RCD forces, often commanded in the field by Banyamulenge officers but operating under the overall RPA authority, carried out large-scale massacres of civilians in Makobola, Kasika, and Katogota during 1998 and 1999. Banyamulenge engagement with the RCD was shaped by security, political strategy, and personal advancement. Some community members viewed the insurgency as an opportunity to address the perceived failures of the AFDL, particularly its inability to secure full citizenship rights and durable political representation. As the RCD expanded territorially, it also emerged as a pathway to senior political office. It enabled several Banyamulenge figures to assume prominent roles, including Bizima Karaha as head of security, Moïse Nyarugabo as justice commissioner, and Azarias Ruberwa as secretary-general. The RCD period thus produced mixed outcomes for the community: while it intensified violence between RCD forces and Mai-Mai militias, it also facilitated an unprecedented level of political influence and resulted in the creation, for the first time, of an administrative entity identified with the Banyamulenge, with Minembwe established as a territory and carved out of the Banyamulenge-inhabited areas of Fizi, Mwenga, and Uvira Territories. These gains, however, also strained relations with other groups, worsened by ongoing conflicts between pastoralists and farmers over transhumance, the seasonal southward movement of cattle into grazing areas in Ngandja and Lulenge during the dry season. Cattle often damaged crops, and after the AFDL rebellion began in September 1996, refusals to pay the customary itulo tax inflamed tensions. Mai-Mai groups responded with large-scale cattle raids, which functioned as material losses and as symbolic attacks on the Banyamulenge. Internally, the RCD era worsened divisions within Banyamulenge themselves, as political competition began to intersect with clan affiliations. Estimates of major Banyamulenge clans range from 13 to 26, depending on classification. While each clan traditionally descends from a common ancestor, many expanded through alliances and the incorporation of other families. The community has never been united under a single paramount chief, and inter-clan rivalries long existed; however, these disputes gained new political significance with the rise of the RCD and the Pacifique Masunzu rebellion, which then marked the first prolonged period of sustained internal conflict. ==History==
History
FDLR insurgency The FDLR counts among its number the original members of the Interahamwe that led the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Established as a breakaway faction from the Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR), the FDLR initially sought to transition from a rebel group to a political-military entity dedicated to protecting Rwandan Hutu refugees and their interests in prolonged exile. This transformation enabled the promotion of new officers and the recruitment of fighters from refugee populations in eastern Congo. Some experts, including political scientist Bob Kabamba of the University of Liège, have suggested that economic motives, such as access to Congo's vast mineral wealth, have played a significant role in Rwanda's involvement in eastern Congo, dating back to its participation in the First Congo War in 1996. Efforts to disarm and repatriate the FDLR have been ongoing since 2002, involving initiatives by DRC, Rwanda, and the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC, later MONUSCO). On 31 March 2005, FDLR representatives in Rome declared their willingness to cease military action against Rwanda and return home. On 18 September, FDLR leader Sylvestre Mudacumura, who had been targeted by an International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrant since July 2012, was killed by the Congolese military. In December 2023, Colonel Ruvugayimikore, also known as Ruhinda, the head of the FDLR's CRAP unit and regarded as one of its most skilled fighters, was also killed under unclear circumstances. By the 2020s, many analysts argued that the FDLR no longer posed a significant direct threat to Rwanda. Intra-Banyamulenge political and military divisions During the late 1990s and early 2000s, Pacifique Masunzu rose to prominence as one of the most "divisive figures" among Banyamulenge. Although he initially sympathized with the FRF, Masunzu had tense relationships with his Rwandan commanders. In early 1999, Colonel Dan Gapfizi, then the RPA commander in Uvira, ordered his arrest. With help from other Banyamulenge soldiers, Masunzu escaped and sought refuge in the Bijombo groupement of Bavira Chiefdom in Uvira Territory, and to limit internal dissent, the RCD later brought him back into its ranks and appointed him as deputy battalion commander in the highlands, but this compromise proved short-lived. In January 2002, following a conflict with his direct commander, Safari, Masunzu again broke away. Masunzu publicly endorsed the Congolese government's position that Burundian Forces nationales de libération (FNL) rebels were responsible and downplayed the ethnic dimension of the killings, suggesting it "targeted RCD supporters more than Banyamulenge".:14–24 Nkunda was appointed as the group's commander in North Kivu but declined to attend his swearing-in in Kinshasa, citing security concerns. Analysts suggested Rwanda positioned Nkunda as a proxy to retain its control over the eastern DRC. Despite these allegations, Nkunda was never investigated. In early 2003, he established the political movement Synergie pour la Paix et la Concorde, which was formally launched in Bukavu in December of that year, with its operational base set up in Goma. 2004 Bukavu offensive Tensions escalated after the February 2004 arrest of Officer Joseph Kasongo in South Kivu for his alleged involvement in the assassination of President Laurent-Désiré Kabila. This event triggered armed clashes between the national army and RCD-Goma forces, culminating in a ten-day siege of Bukavu. Reports from local sources suggested the presence of Rwandan military personnel assisting RCD-Goma forces, though Rwanda denied any involvement. The retreat led to a split within Nkunda's army, with a faction led by Colonel Jules Mutebusi fleeing to Rwanda. By December 2004, internal divisions within RCD-Goma deepened, particularly as local Tutsi leaders denounced the manipulation of Banyarwanda identity and declared their support for the central government. This internal schism led North Kivu's Governor Eugène Serufuli to realign with Kinshasa. killing at least 25 civilians and leading to further casualties in Kitchanga and Tongo groupement of Bwito Chiefdom. Mass graves were later discovered near Tingi, outside Sake. Unable to mount an effective defense, FARDC turned to MONUSCO peacekeepers for support. On 7 December, CNDP forces attacked FARDC positions in Nord Kivu, but with military backing from MONUSCO, FARDC managed to reclaim its positions, killing around 150 CNDP fighters. The violence forced approximately 12,000 Congolese civilians to flee to Kisoro District, Uganda. That same day, a rocket fired from the DRC struck Kisoro District, which killed seven people. 2007 In early 2007, the central DRC government attempted to reduce the threat posed by Nkunda by trying to integrate his troops further into the FARDC, the national armed forces, in what was called a mixage process. However, this backfired and it now appears that from about January to August Nkunda controlled five brigades of troops rather than two. On 24 July 2007, the UN peacekeeping head Jean-Marie Guehenno stated, "Mr Nkunda's forces are the single most serious threat to stability in the DR Congo". However, by August 2007, the initiative had failed, exacerbating human rights violations, particularly against the Hutu population. That same month, Nkunda's men "raided ten secondary schools and four primary schools where they took the children by force in order to make them join their ranks". According to the United Nations, boys were turned into soldiers while girls were subjected to sexual slavery, in violation of international law. In the aftermath of the UN report, thousands of Congolese civilians fled their homes, seeking refuge in displacement camps. The situation was further complicated by the rise of competing militias, notably the Patriotes Résistants Congolais (PARECO). This group, composed of CNDP defectors and Hutu fighters, emerged as a strong adversary to CNDP, with its leadership accusing the national army of collaborating with opposing forces. In early November 2007, Nkunda's forces seized control of Nyanzale, located approximately 100 km (62 mi) north of Goma. Three nearby villages were also reported to have been captured, and the army's outpost was left unguarded. A government offensive in early December led to the 82nd Brigade taking Mushake, a town that overlooks an important road. However, Reuters reported that the town was taken by the FARDC's 14th integrated brigade. This came after MONUSCO announced it would provide artillery support to the FARDC during the offensive. At a regional conference in Addis Ababa, the United States, Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda committed to backing the Congolese government while refusing to support what they referred to as "negative forces", a term widely interpreted as a reference to Nkunda's forces. Nkunda stated on 14 December 2007 that he was open to peace talks. The government called such talks on 20 December to be held from 27 December to 5 January. These talks were then postponed to be held from 6–14 January 2008. January 2008 peace deal Nkunda's group attended the talks, but walked out on 10 January 2008, after an alleged attempted arrest of one of their members. They later returned to the talks. The talks' schedule was extended to last until 21 January, and then to 22 January as an agreement appeared to be within reach. It was further extended to 23 January over final disagreements regarding war crimes cases. The peace deal was signed on 23 January and included provisions for an immediate ceasefire, the phased withdrawal of all rebel forces in North Kivu, the resettlement of thousands of villagers, and immunity for Nkunda's forces. The agreement encouraged FARDC and the United Nations to remove FDLR forces from Kivu. Dissatisfaction with progress and lack of resettlement of refugees caused the CNDP forces to declare war on the FDLR and hostilities to resume, including civilian atrocities. Neither the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda nor the Rwandan government took part in the talks, a fact which may hurt the stability of the agreement. Fall 2008 fighting On 26 October, the CNDP captured the Rumangabo military base and Virunga National Park, using the park as a staging ground for further attacks. This happened after the peace agreement failed, leading to battles that displaced thousands of people. The FARDC also retreated in what was seen as a "major retreat" under the pressure from the CNDP. Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRC Alan Doss explained the necessity of engaging the rebels, stating that "...[the UN] can't allow population centers to be threatened... [the UN] had to engage". On 28 October, rebels and combined government-MONUSCO troops battled between the Kibumba refugee camp and Rutshuru. Five rockets were fired at a convoy of MONUSCO vehicles protecting a road to the territorial capital of Rutshuru, hitting two armored personnel carriers. The APCs, which contained Indian Army troops, were relatively undamaged, though a Lieutenant Colonel and two other personnel were injured. Rebel forces later captured the town. Meanwhile, civilians continued to riot, at some points pelting retreating Congolese troops with rocks, though UN spokeswoman Sylvie van den Wildenberg stated that the UN has "reinforced [their] presence" in the region. By 29 October, the CNDP had seized control of large areas of the Masisi and Rutshuru territories with minimal resistance. As the CNDP advanced, they began dismantling internally displaced persons (IDP) camps, such as those in Kasasa and Nyongera. The United Nations Security Council issued a unanimous non-binding resolution condemning the recent rebel advances and demanding an end to them. Despite the ceasefire, World Vision workers had to flee to the Rwandan border to continue their work, while gunfire was still heard. The United States Department of State sent Jendayi Frazer, the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, as an envoy to the region. On 30 October, the CNDP officially took control of Kiwanja, and Nkunda called for direct talks with the Congolese government, saying he would take Goma "if there is no ceasefire, no security, and no progress in the peace process". The next day, 31 October, the CNDP appointed Jules Simpenzwe as the new territorial administrator. Military experts later argued that the CNDP's main target in its late October offensive was Rutshuru, not Goma. Also, on 31 October, British Foreign Minister David Miliband and French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner flew to the region, with the intention of stopping in Kinshasa, Goma, and possibly Kigali. Between 4 and 5 November, Human Rights Watch estimated that CNDP forces executed at least 150 people in Kiwanja. Many of the victims had gunshot wounds to the head or injuries from machetes, spears, or clubs, indicating extrajudicial killings rather than casualties from combat. In the weeks after the CNDP took Kiwanja and Rutshuru, CNDP fighters also raped at least 16 women and girls. 2009–2012: Ihusi agreement, Operation Umoja Wetu, and 23 March 2009 agreement International diplomatic efforts, combined with pressure on both Kinshasa and Kigali, eventually led to negotiations between the DRC and Rwanda. These talks culminated in the signing of the Ihusi Agreement on 16 January 2009. Nkunda, caught by surprise, was unable to resist this change. On 16 January 2009, Ntaganda publicly declared the CNDP's integration into the Congolese army during a ceremony in Goma, attended by both the Rwandan Defence Minister and the Congolese Interior and Security Minister. However, the integration process was fraught with difficulties, as many CNDP officers retained significant control in the Kivus. Operation Umoja Wetu was marked by significant human rights abuses, with both government and former rebel forces committing atrocities. Between January and September 2009, Human Rights Watch reported over 1,400 civilian deaths, primarily women, children, and the elderly, often accompanied by widespread sexual violence. In the first nine months of 2009, health centers in North and South Kivu recorded over 7,500 cases of sexual violence, nearly double the previous year's numbers. Ntaganda emerged as a key figure in the post-integration period, securing the role of deputy commander in government operations against the FDLR. He leveraged this position to appoint former CNDP officers to strategic roles, particularly in the mineral-rich regions of Nyabibwe, Bisie, and Bibatama, expanding their influence over mining operations. In April 2012, former National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) soldiers mutinied against the government. The mutineers formed a rebel group called the March 23 Movement (M23). Former CNDP commander Bosco Ntaganda, known as "the Terminator" is accused of founding the movement. On 4 April, it was reported that Ntaganda and 300 loyal troops defected from the DRC and clashed with government forces in the Rutshuru region north of Goma. Africa Confidential said on 25 May 2012 that "the revolt now seems to be as much about resisting an attempt by Kinshasa to disrupt CNDP networks in the restive Kivu provinces, a process of which Ntaganda may find himself a casualty." On 20 November 2012, the M23 took control of Goma after the national army retreated westward. MONUSCO, the United Nations peacekeeping force, watched the takeover without intervening, stating that its mandate allowed it only to protect civilians. M23 withdrew from Goma in early December following negotiations with the government and regional powers. On 24 February 2013, leaders of 11 African nations signed an agreement designed to bring peace to the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The M23 rebels were not represented in the deal's negotiations or at the signing. Makenga declared himself interim leader and clashes between those loyal to him and those loyal to Jean-Marie Runiga Lugerero, who is allied with Bosco Ntaganda, have killed ten men and two others were hospitalized. In March 2013, the United Nations Security Council authorized the deployment of an intervention brigade within MONUSCO to carry out targeted offensive operations, with or without the Congolese national army, against armed groups that threaten peace in eastern DRC. It is the first peacekeeping unit tasked with carrying out offensive operations. The last batch of the Malawi troops committed to the MONUSCO Force Intervention Brigade arrived in Goma, North Kivu province, on 7 October 2013. They will be part of the 3000- strong force to which Tanzania and South Africa are the other two troop contributing countries. Since the arrival of its first troops in June 2013, the Intervention Brigade has already gone into action resulting in the withdrawal of M23, from its initial positions in Kanyaruchinya, on 31 August 2013. The Intervention Brigade is now at its full strength with the arrival of the Malawi infantry battalion. Tanzania, South Africa and Malawi have been picked for the UN Stabilization Mission in DR Congo (MONUSCO) because of the wide experience they gained in other UN Peacekeeping missions. For instance, 95 percent of the Malawi troops have been already in peacekeeping missions in Kosovo, Liberia, Rwanda, Sudan, and they are well prepared to face any operational challenges. M23 resurgence Gold mines Tantalum, tungsten or tin mines From 28 March 2022, the M23 Movement launched a new offensive in North Kivu, allegedly with Rwandan and Ugandan support. The offensive resulted in the displacement of tens of thousands of refugees, while the rebels had been able to capture some territory by June. United Nations experts sound alarm In July 2024, a United Nations Security Council-commissioned report revealed extensive Rwandan military activities in the Nyiragongo, Rutshuru, and Masisi territories. 2025 offensives On 27 January 2025, M23 claimed to have captured Goma. In January 2025, the DRC severed diplomatic ties with Rwanda. On 27 June 2025, the DRC and Rwanda signed a peace agreement to end the conflict following negotiations mediated by the United States. 2015–2016: Operations against FDLR and other armed groups caused by fighting between FARDC and APCLS rebels in 2013 In January 2015, it was reported that UN and Congo troops were preparing an offensive on FDLR in the Kivu region, while striking FNL-Nzabampema positions on Eastern Congo on 5 January 2015. Several days earlier an infiltration by an unknown rebel group from Eastern Congo to Burundi left 95 rebels and 2 Burundi soldiers dead. On 25 January 2015, 85 Raïa Mutomboki rebels surrendered to the authorities in the town of Mubambiro, North Kivu; the former militants will be gradually integrated into FARDC. Earlier in January, Raïa Mutomboki, founder Nyanderema, approached the town of Luizi with a group of 9 fighters, announcing their abandonment of armed struggle. 24 rifles, 2 grenades and other military equipment was transferred to FARDC during the two incidents. On 31 January, the DRC troops launched a campaign against the FDLR Hutu rebels. On 13 March 2015, a military spokesman announced that a total of 182 FDLR rebels were killed since the start of the January offensive. Large amounts of weaponry and ammunition were seized, as the army recaptured the towns of Kirumba Kagondo, Kahumiro, Kabwendo, Mugogo, Washing 1 and 2, Kisimba 1, 2 and 3, among other locales. In January 2016, fighting broke out between the FDLR, ADF and Mai-Mai militias, which resulted in thousands fleeing to surrounding areas in North Kivu's Goma. Ethnic Mai Mai factions Ethnic conflict in Kivu has often involved the Congolese Tutsis known as Banyamulenge, a cattle herding group of Rwandan origin derided as outsiders, and other ethnic groups who consider themselves indigenous. Additionally, neighboring Burundi and Rwanda, who have a thorny relationship, are accused of being involved, with Rwanda accused of training Burundi rebels who have joined with Mai Mai against the Banyamulenge and the Banyamulenge is accused of harboring the RNC, a Rwandan opposition group supported by Burundi. In June 2017, the group, mostly based in South Kivu, called the National People's Coalition for the Sovereignty of Congo (CNPSC) led by William Yakutumba was formed and became the strongest rebel group in the east, even briefly capturing a few strategic towns. The rebel group is one of three alliances of various Mai-Mai militias and has been referred to as the Alliance of Article 64, a reference to Article 64 of the constitution, which says the people have an obligation to fight the efforts of those who seek to take power by force, in reference to President Kabila. Bembe warlord Yakutumba's Mai-Mai Yakutumba is the largest component of the CNPSC and has had friction with the Congolese Tutsis who often make up commanders in army units. In 2015, the army then launched an offensive against the FDLR militia. The FDLR and Nyatura were accused of killing Nande people The Nande-dominate UPDI militia, a Nande militia called Mai-Mai Mazembe and a militia dominated by Nyanga people, the "Nduma Defense of Congo" (NDC), also called Maï-Maï Sheka and led by Gédéon Kyungu Mutanga, are accused of attacking Hutus. In North Kivu, in 2017, an alliance of Mai-Mai groups called the National Movement of Revolutionaries (MNR) began attacks in June 2017 includes Nande Mai-Mai leaders from groups such as Corps du Christ and Mai-Mai Mazembe. In September 2019, the army declared it had killed Sylvestre Mudacumura, head of the FDLR, and in November that year the army declared it had killed Juvenal Musabimana, who had led a splinter group of the FDLR. 2017–2021: ADF and Islamic insurgency Approximately 1.7 million were forced to flee their homes in the DR Congo in 2017 as a result of intensified fighting. The assault, in terms of fatalities, was the most severe suffered by peacekeepers since an ambush in Somalia in 1993. Analysts felt that the size and scale of the attack was unprecedented, but that it represented another step in the conflict which has been prevalent in the region for many years. The motivation for the attack was unknown, but it was expected to further destabilise the region. The Congolese forces claimed that the Islamist ADF lost 72 militants in the attack, raising the total number of fatalities in excess of 90. • 21 October 2018, ADF rebels attacked the town of Matete, just north of Beni, resulting in 11 civilians killed and 15 people were kidnapped (ten of which were children ages five to ten years old). This prompted aid workers to suspend efforts to roll back an outbreak of deadly Ebola. In addition, on 16 December 2018, Maï-Maï militiamen attacked the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) warehouse in Beni ahead of 23 December election, security forces repel attackers without suffering casualties. According to the Congo Research Group (a study project at New York University), as of 2018, 134 armed groups are active in North and South Kivu. On 31 October 2019, the Congolese army launched a large scale offensive against the ADF in the Beni Territory of the North Kivu Province. According to spokesman General Leon Richard Kasonga, "The DRC armed forces launched large-scale operations overnight Wednesday to eradicate all domestic and foreign armed groups that plague the east of the country and destabilize the Great Lakes region." The operation is being carried out by the FARDC without any foreign support. The focus is primarily on the ADF but also other armed groups are being targeted. On 13 January 2020, the Congolese army raided ADF's headquarters camp, nicknamed "Madina", which is located near Beni. 30 Congolese soldiers were killed and 70 were wounded in the intense battle with ADF. 40 ADF insurgents were also reported killed, including five top commanders. The Congolese army nevertheless captures the camp, but fails to apprehend the target of the raid, ADF leader Musa Baluku. On 26 May 2020, at least 40 civilians were killed with machetes by the ADF in Ituri province. On 16 September 2020, the DRC and 70 armed groups active in South Kivu agreed to cease hostilities. On 20 October 2020, more than 1,300 prisoners escaped from a jail in Beni after an attack claimed by the ISCAP (Islamic State's Central Africa Province). On 26 October 2020, The Congolese armed forces took control of the headquarters of Burundi rebel group National Forces of Liberation (NFL) after three days of intense fighting. The army also said they fought some members of the National Resistance Council for Democracy (NRCD). Troops killed 27 rebels, seizing arms and ammunition, while three soldiers died in the fighting, with another four wounded. Now the rebels are fleeing toward the forests of Muranvia, Nyaburunda and Kashongo as well as the Nyanzale Rudaga valley. On 31 December 2020, Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) massacred 25 civilians in the village of Tingwe. On 1 January 2021, the village of Loselose was recaptured by DRC after a battle between Congolese army, supported by UN peacekeepers and ADF. Two Congolese soldiers and 14 Islamist militants were killed, seven Congolese soldiers were wounded. On 4 January 2021, ADF attacked villages of Tingwe, Mwenda and Nzenga and killed 25 civilians and kidnapped several others. DRC authorities also discovered 21 civilian bodies "in a state of decomposition" in Loselose and Loulo. On 4 February 2021, ISIS operatives exchanged fire with Congolese soldiers in the Rwenzori region, on the border between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. Three soldiers were killed and several others were wounded. The other soldiers fled. ISIS operatives seized vehicles, weapons and ammunition. On 22 February 2021, the Italian ambassador to DR Congo Luca Attanasio, an Italian law enforcement official and a driver were killed in an attack on a UN convoy near the town of Kanyamahoro, 16 kilometers north of Goma. On 26 February 2021, IS operatives killed at least 35 Congolese soldiers and wounded many more after a Congolese army force approached IS positions in Losilosi, in the Beni region. On 6 March 2021, IS militants attacked Congolese forces in a village in the Irumu region. During the attack, at least 7 soldiers were killed and the rest fled. IS operative seized weapons and ammunition. On 31 March 2021, ADF militants linked to ISIS, massacred 23 civilians after attacking a village in the Beni region. On 9 April 2021, two civilian trucks transporting Christian civilians were targeted by ISIL gunfire southeast of Beni. 5 of the passengers were killed. A Congolese soldier was also shot dead in the area on the same day. On 23 April 2021, Congolese army camps were targeted by ISCAP militants in the Oicha region. One Congolese soldier was killed in the attacks. On 30 April 2021, president Felix Tshisekedi declared a "state of siege" over the province of North Kivu that went into effect on 6 May. The state of siege will last for 30 days in which the province will be under military rule. On 5 May 2021, the FARDC attacked and captured the village of Nyabiondo from APCLS. During the fighting a woman was wounded. On 24 May 2021, ISIS operatives attacked a Congolese army camp near Kanjabai Prison, in the Beni region, about 50 km west of the Congo-Uganda border. Two soldiers were killed in the exchange of fire. ISIS operatives set fire to the camp. On 29 June 2021, two Congolese soldiers were killed after ISCAP attacked their positions in the Ituri region. On 29 July 2021, ISCAP militants attack a convoy of Christian civilians on the Ituri-Beni highway, killing one civilians and destroying 6 vehicles. On 9 August, ISIL forces took control of the villages of Mavivi and Malibungo in the Ituri region, killing at least one Congolese soldier and capturing 3 others. On 13 September, ISCAP forces attacked a village in the Ituri region, burning down the homes of several Christians and executing at least one Congolese soldier. ==Human rights abuses==
Human rights abuses
Child recruitment by the armed groups Violence is widespread: "In Masisi 99.1% (897/905) and Kitchanga 50.4% (509/1020) of households reported at least one member subjected to violence. Displacement was reported by 39.0% of households (419/1075) in Kitchanga and 99.8% (903/905) in Masisi," one study found. Many armed groups participating in the conflict have used children as active combatants. According to the report published [on 23 October 2013], almost 1,000 cases of child recruitment by armed groups were verified by MONUSCO between 1 January 2012 and 31 August 2013, predominantly in the district of North Kivu. The use of child soldiers in the Kivu conflict constitutes another example of the use of child soldiers in the DRC. The UN has asserted that some of the girls being used as belligerents are also subjected to sexual assault, and are treated as sex slaves. Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo The Kivu conflict has created chaos and disorder in the regions of North and South Kivu. MONUSCO believe that widespread sexual assault has been perpetrated against women in this regions by all sides of the conflict, something which the UNHCR has condemned. Incidents have involved the rape and sexual assault of both women and girls, included the incorporation of girls into militia forces as sex slaves. The most publicised example of sexual violence occurred in November 2012 in Minova. Having retreated to the town, FARDC troops conducted systematic rape against the women and girls over a period of three days. This resulted in widespread international condemnation, prompting the Army to begin an investigation in order to prosecute the perpetrators of the sexual assaults. In 2014, the "Minova Trial" was conducted. It was the largest rape tribunal in the nation's history. While the American Bar Association, which had an office in Goma, had identified more than 1,000 potential victims, the official list composed by the UN only had 126, of whom 56 testified at the trial. For reasons of safety, those testifying were forced to hide their faces by donning hoods. In the end, only a few junior officers were convicted. Sexual violence in the region has continued, but by 2015, funding had declined for sanctuaries for the women and protection. Conflict minerals The role of conflict minerals in the conflict is highly debated. Certain NGOs, like the Enough Project, say that the illegal exploitation of minerals is the main cause of the ongoing violence in the Kivus. A United Nations report supported this view. However, many academic and independent researchers (both Congolese and international) challenge this interpretation, arguing that while conflict minerals are undoubtedly one of the many causes of violence in the region, they are most likely not the most significant and impactful one. The most prominent and prevalent conflict mineral procured in the Kivu districts is gold. Due to its high financial value, rival militias will attack one another for control of the mineral. An investigation into conflict minerals in relation to the Kivu conflict found that "gold is now, as of 2013, the most important conflict mineral in eastern Congo, with at least 12 tons worth roughly $500 million smuggled out of the east every year." These high financial revenues were identified as the primary incentives for the mining and capture of gold. To illustrate this, this study looked at one specific rebel group, determining that "The M23 rebel group has taken over a profitable part of the conflict gold trade in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo...It is using revenues from the illicit trade to benefit its leaders and supporters and fund its military campaign by building military alliances and networks with other armed groups that control territory around gold mines and by smuggling gold through Uganda and Burundi. M23 commander Sultani Makenga, who is also allegedly one of the rebels' main recruiters of child soldiers according to the U.N. Group of Experts on Congo, is at the center of the conflict gold efforts." Role of European arms In 2021, the Transnational Institute published a report about the role of the arms trade in displacements, finding that "between 2012 and 2015 Bulgaria exported assault rifles, large-calibre artillery systems, light machine guns, hand-held under-barrel and mounted grenade launchers to the Democratic Republic of Congo's national police and military. [...] Bulgarian weapons were in use in North Kivu in 2017 coinciding with the forced displacement of 523,000 people." Highlighting the role of the military in human rights abuses, they write that FARDC soldiers in North Kivu "possessed Bulgarian-manufactured ARSENAL weaponry that had been exported to the DRC." The UN found the FARDC to have been responsible for at least 20% of the human rights violations it documented in this region. ==See also==
tickerdossier.comtickerdossier.substack.com