Two separate petitions were filed with the Supreme Court to hear the challenge on the district panel's ruling, one from the state itself (
Louisiana v. Callais) and another from Black voters and civil rights organizations such as the
NAACP (
Robinson v. Callais). The Supreme Court granted certiorari to both cases and consolidated them in November 2024. Initial oral arguments were held on March 24, 2025. On June 27, 2025, the Court ordered reargument for the 2025 term, with only Justice
Clarence Thomas dissenting. During the summer recess prior to the 2025 term, the Supreme Court directed all parties to submit supplemental briefs addressing whether the new maps violated the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. Several news commentators said this move suggested the Court was weighing whether compliance with Section 2 of the VRA would be unconstitutional, further weakening the VRA. Among these briefs, Louisiana submitted a brief stating the State was no longer defending its position in the case at the Supreme Court, and instead argued to advance the claim that the new maps violated the 14th and 15th Amendments. The second oral session for the case was heard on October 15, 2025. Court observers noted that the court's conservative majority appeared ready to limit the use of the VRA for redistricting, suggesting that the Act's mandates might have a time limit, an argument similar to the one used to end
affirmative action in
Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard. While observers did not expect the Court to strike down Section 2 entirely, they suggested the conservative justices would increase the evidentiary burden for proving racial discrimination in redistricting.
Decision The court issued its decision on April 29, 2026. In a 6–3 decision split along ideological lines, the court affirmed the ruling of a federal district court panel that the state's new map was an illegal racial gerrymander. The majority opinion was written by
Samuel Alito, joined by Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Thomas, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett. Alito wrote: "Allowing race to play any part in government decision-making represents a departure from the constitutional rule that applies in almost every other context. Compliance with section 2 thus could not justify the state's use of race-based redistricting here. The state's attempt to satisfy the Middle District's ruling, although understandable, was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander." The decision did not hold Section 2 of the VRA to be unconstitutional, nor did overturn multiple cases including
Allen v. Milligan (2023), but Alito said that major developments since one of the last major tests of Section 2,
Thornburg v. Gingles (1986), required additional considerations.
Gingles provided for three pre-conditions: that the minority voters were "sufficiently numerous and compact to constitute a majority in a reasonably configured district", that they voted in a "politically cohesive" manner, and that the majority voted in a bloc as to defeat the minority's preferred candidate. If all three preconditions were met, the court then should evaluate whether the political process was not equally open to minority voters. He concluded that a successful challenger must now prove that a state "intentionally drew its districts to afford minority voters less opportunity because of their race." Failing to "disentangle race from the state's race-neutral considerations, including politics," will now likely lead to an unsuccessful suit. showing a
proportional representation map that does not use majority-minority districts, unlike the 2025
Louisiana's congressional district map that the court struck down. The multi-member districts have the ability to elect two Black representatives in the state. In his concurring opinion,
Justice Clarence Thomas wrote that the court "should never have interpreted §2 of the
Voting Rights Act of 1965 to effectively give racial groups 'an entitlement to roughly
proportional representation. Justice
Elena Kagan wrote the dissent, joined by Sotomayor and Jackson, stating: "The consequences are likely to be far-reaching and grave. Today's decision renders Section 2 all but a dead letter." The timing of the ruling would also be critical in relation to the 2026 general election. Some Republican-controlled states had already initiated
mid-census partisan redistricting in mid-2025, such as
Texas, backed by President
Donald Trump to secure more Republican representatives in the House. In December 2025, the Supreme Court allowed the use of the Texas redistricting maps and subsequently rejected the Republicans' challenge to California's map in February 2026. In March 2026, the Court also blocked a lower court mandate to redraw a congressional district based in Staten Island following a challenge by Black voters in the district. Multiple media outlets characterized
Callais as a landmark decision, suggesting the additional restrictions on Section 2 of the VRA will likely make it significantly more difficult to challenge redistricting. The decision is expected to allow southern states to eliminate
majority-minority districts to favor the Republican party's representation in Congress and leading to disenfranchisement of numerous voters. The decision was seen as a culmination of Roberts' efforts to weaken the VRA since he was on the bench, and other outlets considered the VRA all but dead from the decision and
harming the country's democratic process. == Aftermath ==