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Vuk Drašković

Vuk Drašković is a Serbian writer and politician.

Early life and career
Drašković was born in the small village of Medja in the Banat region to a family of settlers from Herzegovina. He was three months old when his mother, Stoja Nikitović, died. His father, Vidak, remarried and had two more sons - Rodoljub and Dragan; and three daughters - Radmila, Tanja and Ljiljana with Dara Drašković, meaning that young Vuk grew up with five half-siblings. After Josip Broz Tito promised reforms, Drašković initiated people to dance the Kozaračko kolo at the Faculty of Law. Drašković was a member of the Communist Youth Organization and later joined the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. Between 1969–78, he was involved with journalism. He first worked for the state news agency Tanjug as its African correspondent stationed in Lusaka, Zambia. He was discharged from his post after publishing misleading information regarding the Rhodesian Bush War, creating a diplomatic incident. The book was made into a movie in 1999 entitled The Dagger or The Knife in English. His novels Molitva 1–2 (Prayer 1–2, 1985) and Ruski konsul (Russian consul, 1988) also explored the suffering of Serbs during World War II, while Noć generala (The General's Nights) published in 1994 dealt with Draža Mihailović's last days. ==Political career==
Political career
, in 1990, removing picture of Josip Broz Tito from Belgrade Center of engineers and electricians. In March 1989, Drašković along with Mirko Jović and Vojislav Šešelj founded the Sava Association. The group dedicated itself to the protection of the Serbian language and the defense of Kosovo and Metohija. In the late 1980s, Drašković was in agreement with Šešelj's sentiments about deporting Albanians from Kosovo and suggested that "a special fund" was needed "to finance the repopulation of Kosovo by Serbs". However, Jović, Šešelj and Drašković disagreed with each other and their party split into three. The Sava Association became the Serbian National Renewal Party under the leadership of Jović in January 1990. On 26 September 1990, Drašković declared that his armed "volunteers" would be willing to defend Krajina Serbs, and three days later in an interview with Delo, Drašković stated: "Serbia must obtain all territories in what is today Herzegovina, Bosnia, Slavonia, Dalmatia, in these parts of Croatia where the Serbs made a majority of the population until 6 April 1941, when the Ustasha genocide against them began...Wherever the Serb blood was shed by the Ustashas knives, wherever there are our graves there are our borders". He also claimed that most Bosnian Muslims are "burdened with Serbian origin" and that "they run away from themselves because they know that they are Orthodox and Serbs". The Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) participated in the first post-communist democratic elections, held on 9 December 1990, but finished a distant second amidst the total blackout from the pro-Milošević state media. Following that failure Drašković kept pressure on Serbian President Slobodan Milošević via street protests, organizing mass demonstrations in Belgrade on 9 March 1991. The police intervened, and clashed with demonstrators with some damage to public buildings resulting in the Yugoslav People's Army being brought in. Clashes between police and protesters resulted in the deaths of a student and an officer, and injuries to over 200 people. Demonstrations ended after the government agreed to concessions. Drašković became a leading opponent of Milošević. His fiery and emotional speeches earned him the moniker "Czar of the Streets". While Drašković was a nationalist, he also held pro-Western and anti-war views. His anti-war views came to the fore in mid to late 1991, particularly in November of that year when he wrote a passionate condemnation of the bloody siege of Vukovar in the Serbian daily Borba. In early 1992, he called on all citizens of Bosnia to reject nationalism. In 1993, he and his wife Danica Drašković were arrested, beaten and sent to a high-security prison following street riots in Belgrade. In 1996, SPO formed an opposition alliance Zajedno ("Together") with the Democratic Party of Zoran Đinđić and the Civic Alliance of Serbia under Vesna Pešić, which achieved major successes in the local elections in November of that year, but later split. He was sacked by the Prime Minister Momir Bulatović on 28 April 1999. There were two attempts to assassinate Drašković: on 3 October 1999 on the Ibar highway when four of his close associates were murdered, and on 15 June 2000 in Budva. In 2005, Milorad Ulemek was sentenced to 40 years in prison for the murder of Đinđić and Ivan Stambolić and for the assassination attempt on Drašković in 2000. Post-Milošević In what he himself later termed "a bad political move", Drašković kept his SPO out of the wide anti-Milošević Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) coalition that formed in 2000; his candidate in the 24 September 2000 federal presidential elections, Vojislav Mihailović, achieved little success, and the SPO was unsuccessful in the subsequent parliamentary election which the DOS won overwhelmingly. Because of this, Drašković and his party were marginalized over the next three years. In the fall of 2002, he attempted a comeback as one of eleven candidates in a Serbian presidential election; this election was later declared invalid due to low voter turnout. Despite a polished marketing campaign that saw Drašković change his personal appearance and tone down his fiery rhetoric, he ended up with only 4.5% of the total vote, well behind Vojislav Koštunica (31.2%) and Miroljub Labus (27.7%), both of whom moved on to the second-round runoff. His next chance for political redemption came in late 2003. Fully aware of SPO's weak political standing (as well as his own) after more than 3 years in political oblivion, Drašković entered his party into a pre-election coalition with New Serbia (NS), thus reuniting with old party colleague Velimir Ilić. Joining forces for the 2003 parliamentary election, they achieved limited success, but did manage to get into the coalition that formed the minority government (along with DSS, G17 Plus), providing it with critical parliamentary seats to keep the far-right radicals (SRS) at bay. In the subsequent division of power, Drašković became foreign minister, a position he held until May 2007. In August 2010, Drašković argued in favour of changing the Serbian Constitution of 2006 to remove references to Kosovo as a part of Serbia because according to him "Serbia has no national sovereignty over Kosovo whatsoever. All of Serbia knows that Kosovo is not really a province within Serbia, that it is completely beyond the control of the government and the state of Serbia". ==Personal life==
Personal life
Drašković is married to Danica (née Bošković). The two met in 1968 during student protests. ==Literary works==
Literary works
Me, a philistine (1981) • Judge (1981) • Knife (1982) • Prayer (1985) • Prayer 2 (1986) • Answers (1986) • Russian Consul (1988) • Everywhere Serbia (1989) • Night of general (1994) • Reminders (2001) • Target (2007) • Dr Aron (2009) • Via Romana (2012) • Far away (2013) • The memoirs of Jesus (2015) • Stories about Kosovo (2016) • Slice of time (2016) • Who killed Katarina? (2017) • Aleksandar of Yugoslavia (2018) • I grob i rob (2020) • Ožiljci života (2022) • Monah Hokaj (2023) • Suđenje (2025) ==See also==
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