Formation and early years , first president of MCA The Malayan Chinese Association was formed on 27 February 1949 with the implicit support by the post-World War II British colonial administration. A central purpose of the MCA at the time of its founding was to manage the specific social and welfare concerns of the populations interned in the so-called
New Villages created under the
Briggs Plan in response to the
Malayan Emergency. The declaration that announced the MCA as a formal political party in 1951 was written by a prominent
Straits Chinese businessman,
Tan Cheng Lock, its first president. In general, its early members were landowners, businessmen, or otherwise better off, while the working classes in the New Villages overwhelmingly joined the
Socialist Front instead. Many prominent members of the MCA were also
Kuomintang members opposed to the
Malayan Communist Party.
Leong Yew Koh, was a KMT major general who became a cabinet minister and later became governor of
Malacca; Malaysia's first minister of finance,
Henry H.S. Lee, was a KMT colonel; and
Lim Chong Eu, the leader of the Radical Party and joined the MCA in 1952, was a colonel (medical) doctor in the Kuomintang. In 1952, MCA joined force with the
United Malays National Organisation on a local level to contest the
Kuala Lumpur municipal elections which would lead to the formation of the
Alliance Party. The alliance was joined by
Malaysian Indian Congress in 1954 and they contested the
first Malayan General Election in 1955 as one body, and the alliance won 51 of the 52 seat contested. MCA won all 15 of the seats allocated. Tan Cheng Lock was succeeded by Lim Chong Eu after a successful challenge by Lim for the presidency in 1958. Lim attempted to amend the party's Constitution to consolidate the power of the Central Committee, and although amendment was passed narrowly, it also split the party. Prior to the
1959 General Election, Lim pressed for an increase of the allocated number of seats from 28 to 40, but this was refused by UMNO leader
Tunku Abdul Rahman. Lim was forced to back down and later resigned as president, with Cheah Toon Lock taking over as acting president. Other members also resigned from MCA to contest the election as independent candidates, which cost the party some seats. The party only won 19 of the 31 seats eventually allocated. Lim himself left the party in December 1960, later becoming one of the founding members of the opposition
Gerakan in 1968. In 1961
Tan Siew Sin, son of Tan Cheng Lock and favoured by Tunku, became MCA's third President. Tan led the party to a firm victory in the
1964 General Election, winning 27 of the 33 parliamentary seats contested. In 1969, Tan established
Tunku Abdul Rahman College after a proposal for a Chinese-language university was turned down by the government.
1969–1985 The
third Malaysian general elections were held on 10 May 1969. MCA faced strong challenges from the new, mainly Chinese, opposition parties
Democratic Action Party and
Gerakan. Of the 33 parliamentary seats contested, MCA managed to retain only 13. MCA also lost control of the
Penang State Government to Gerakan. The gain by the opposition parties led to tension between different communities which erupted into the
May 13 Riots. Prior to the riots, on 12 May 1969, Tan Siew Sin announced that the party would withdraw from the Alliance, but reconsidered on 20 May and joined the
National Operations Council formed in place of the suspended Parliament after the riots. The loss of support for MCA among the Chinese population elicited a comment by the then
Deputy Prime Minister Dr Ismail that if MCA continue to lose support, UMNO may stop co-operating with it. To regain Chinese support, Tan attempted to broaden the appeal of the party previously seen as a party of the
taukeh (
tou jia, rich men), and invited professionals to join the party. With the loss of support for MCA in the 1969 election, and the enlargement of the Alliance party in 1972 (which later became
Barisan Nasional) to include Gerakan, UMNO became even more dominant and MCA suffered a loss of status within the coalition. In 1973, Tan Siew Sin requested a position as Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet reshuffle following the death of
Tun Dr. Ismail, but this was refused by
Tun Abdul Razak, which angered Tan. On 8 April 1974, prior to the
general election, Tan Siew Sin resigned all of his party and government posts for health reasons. , MCA president 1975–1983
Lee San Choon took over as Acting President following Tan's resignation, and was then elected president in 1975. After Tan's resignation, the cabinet posts allocated to MCA declined in importance, and MCA lost both the
Finance Ministry and
Trade and Industry Ministry posts it once held in 1957. The party performed better in the 1974 election, but lost ground again in the following
1978 general election, with the MCA winning only 17 of the 28 parliamentary seats and 44 of the 60 state seats. In 1979,
Michael Chen stood against Lee San Choon for the MCA Presidency but lost, and later in 1981 led a group of MCA dissidents to join Gerakan. The
1982 general election however saw a shift in fortune for MCA. Lee accepted a challenge from the opposition
Democratic Action Party which taunted the MCA's leadership for not daring to contest a seat with large urban Chinese majority, and contested the parliamentary seat for
Seremban against the incumbent DAP Chairman Chen Man Hin. Lee won his challenge, and led his party to a resounding victory, winning 24 out of 28 allocated parliamentary seats and 55 out of 62 state seats. After the success in the election and at the height of his career, Lee San Choon unexpectedly resigned his presidency and cabinet post for unspecified reason in 1983. Neo Yee Pan then led as Acting President until 1985.
1985–2003 In 1985,
Tan Koon Swan, who was sacked from the party a year earlier, won the presidential election with the largest majority in the party's history. However, in the following year, he was charged with abetting criminal breach of trust relating to his private business dealings in Singapore, and resigned from the presidency. Koon Swan also originated the Deposit-Taking
Cooperatives, which sought to accumulate capital for Chinese Malaysians through investments. The mismanagement of the DTCs' funds led to a scandal, with the central bank,
Bank Negara Malaysia, stepping in to freeze the assets of up to 35 DTCs. The total loss was estimated to be RM3.6 billion, and depositors could only recover 62% of their deposits. Koon Swan was succeeded by his deputy
Ling Liong Sik in 1986. He assumed the presidency when the party was still rife with factionalism and faced disillusionment with the Chinese community over the Deposit-Taking Cooperatives scandal. Ling spent his early years as president working to resolve MCA's financial problems, raising funds while restructuring the party's assets. Ling presided over a period of relative peace within the party, and worked to maintain the interests of the Chinese community through a closed-door approach within the government. He expanded the MCA-owned
Tunku Abdul Rahman College through fund-raising and government contributions, and in 2001 set up
Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman. MCA also performed well in the
1999 general elections, and the successive electoral victory boosted the party's standing within the Barisan Nasional coalition as well as Ling's personal relationship with BN leader and prime minister
Mahathir Mohamad. Lee eventually retired in 1996 and was replaced as deputy president by
Lim Ah Lek. In 1999, the party was again wracked by factionalism. Deputy president Lim Ah Lek announced his intention to retire as a minister and agreed with Ling to nominate his protégé
Chan Kong Choy to the Cabinet after the 1999 elections. However, Ling nominated his own protégé
Ong Ka Ting as a minister at the expense of Chan, causing discontent with members aligned to Lim, which became known as "Team B" among party members. The Ling faction was known as "Team A". Huaren eventually succeeded in taking over
Nanyang Siang Pau. Huaren also controls
The Star and
China Press, and the domination of media press resulted in strong resentments in the divided party and concerns over press freedom. Mahathir, as BN leader, eventually stepped in to resolve the conflict, suggesting a "peace plan" among the factions. The scheduled 2002 party elections were cancelled, while Ling and Lim stepped down to be replaced by their respective protégés. During the 2005 party elections, Teams A and B ran on a united front, easily quashing the challenge by vice-president
Chua Jui Meng (for president) and secretary-general
Ting Chew Peh (for deputy president). In early 2008, vice-president and Health Minister
Chua Soi Lek, a prominent
Johor member, was involved in a sex scandal. DVDs of Chua having sex with a woman were circulated in Johor, prompting Chua to resign all his political positions, including as Member of Parliament. Chua suggested that his political enemies within the party who might have felt threatened by him for plotting his downfall. , president 2008–2010 In the
March 2008 general elections, MCA fared badly, winning only 15 parliamentary seats and 32 state seats, less than half the number of seats they won in the previous election. Ong decided not to contest the presidency during the party elections later that year, to allow a new leader to take over. The October 2008 party election marked a realignment of the party's factions, with the return of Chua Soi Lek to the fold. Ong Ka Ting's anointed successor was vice-president
Ong Tee Keat. Meanwhile, Chua entered the race for deputy president, facing among others,
Ong Ka Chuan, the elder brother of Ka Ting. Ong Tee Keat won the presidency comfortably, while Chua edged out Ka Chuan. Following his victory, Tee Keat pledged reform and reaching out to more young voters to revive the party.
2008–present After the 2008 leadership change, factional infighting continued and the relationship between Ong Tee Keat and Chua Soi Lek remained tense. Chua was sidelined by Ong from taking an active role in the party's leadership, and he was also excluded from government posts. He was then sacked by MCA in August 2009 for damaging the party's image with his sex scandal more than a year prior. In response, Chua's supporters forced an extraordinary general meeting which passed a vote of no confidence against incumbent president Ong and annulled the expulsion of Chua. The EGM, however, failed to reinstate Chua as deputy president. Ong refused to resign despite the vote of no confidence, but pledged with Chua to set aside their differences under the "greater unity plan." However, this was opposed by vice-president
Liow Tiong Lai who demanded Ong step down and that new elections be held. This set in motion a new leadership crisis, which lasted almost six months. Finally in March 2010, Chua, along with his supporters in the central committee resigned. Along with the resignations of Liow's supporters in the CC, more than two-thirds of the CC had vacated their seats, paving the way for an election per the party constitution. The subsequent election saw Chua defeating incumbent Ong Tee Keat and former leader Ong Ka Ting in the race for president, while Liow defeated
Kong Cho Ha in the contest for deputy president. Chua and his deputy Liow pledged to co-operate, and opened the party to non-Chinese. , president 2013–2018 MCA's electoral performance meanwhile continued to deteriorate, as in the
2013 General Election, MCA managed to score only 7 of the 37 parliamentary seats and 11 of the 90 state seats it contested, leading to calls for Chua's resignation. The so-called "Chinese tsunami" where the great majority of Chinese votes went to the opposition was blamed by
Najib Razak for the losses of the governing coalition. MCA's poor performance in the two elections, along with continued factionalism, raised concerns over the party's relevance in the Malaysian political arena. Also as a result of its poor performance, there was no MCA representation in the cabinet for the first time since independence due to a resolution that MCA would not accept cabinet posts if it performed badly in the general election. Chua did not enter the following party poll for president, and in December 2013,
Liow Tiong Lai was elected the president of MCA. Liow also reversed the resolution not to serve in the government and re-entered the cabinet. In the
2018 election, MCA suffered its worst ever defeat, as it has lost all state seats it has contested, and only managed to retain one elected representative in the national parliament -
Wee Ka Siong, who represents
Ayer Hitam constituency in Johor. MCA, as part of the Barisan Nasional coalition, was also relegated to the opposition for the first time since independence.
Wee Ka Siong was elected president on 4 November 2018 while Liow decided not to stand for party polls after his defeat. MCA later regained a seat in the
2019 Tanjung Piai by-election. In March 2020, MCA returned to power as part of Barisan Nasional aligned to the
Perikatan Nasional coalition after the collapse of the
Pakatan Harapan government.
1MDB scandal On 8 July 2020, a sum of RM835,258.19 seized by the
Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) from Pahang MCA for allegedly being linked to the
1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) fund scandal, has been forfeited to the Malaysian government. In the
2022 election, Pakatan Harapan won the most seats but not the majority, and returned to government with the support of Barisan Nasional. MCA won two seats, however, it was not given any government cabinet posts and it stayed as a backbencher of the government. == Organisational structure ==