California legislative response to KAL 007 On September 16, 1983, the
California State Assembly and
California State Senate approved Senate Joint Resolution 31, a measure urging President
Ronald Reagan to ban the Soviets from participating in the Los Angeles Games. The
non-binding resolution was hurriedly put forth by California State Senator
John Doolittle in response to the Soviet shootdown of Korean Air Lines Flight 007 just 15 days prior. The resolution was reportedly amended to include the Olympic banning clause in the waning moments of the legislative session and that most of those voting for it did not know of the clause's inclusion. The only American Olympic official to speak out against the legislation was
F. Don Miller, Executive Director of the
U.S. Olympic Committee, who criticized what he termed "narrowminded legislators for trying to use the Olympics in American foreign policy". LAOOC
President Peter Ueberroth and LAOOC Chairman
Paul Ziffren both remained silent on passage of the legislation, saying they felt the best response was to "say nothing". In February 1984, the California State Senate advanced a bill to rescind the earlier legislation. The newer measure welcomed athletes from all nations to the Games and urged Californians to "be gracious hosts to all competitors".
Ban the Soviets Coalition Another response to the shootdown of KAL 007 was the creation of a group calling itself Ban the Soviets Coalition. Formed by evangelical Christian writer
David Balsigera self-described "maverick Republican"and three other Southern California businessmen approximately one month after the flight's destruction, the Coalition's first effort was to petition President Reagan to support a ban on the Soviets attending the Olympic Games. Petitions labeled "We Cannot Forget Them" invoking the passengers and crew killed aboard KAL 007 were distributed to the public with a request for assistance in persuading lawmakers to agree to the endeavor. The Coalition initially estimated getting 1 million signatures from the public, but after thirty days, found they had gathered only 1% of that number. Seeking a more direct approach, the Coalition wrote to White House Deputy Chief of Staff
Michael Deaver advising him that nearly all members of the Coalition were "the same groups that made the difference in Reagan going to the White House", groups who supported him because of his "strong anti-Communist stand and his firm position on moral, family, and Judeo-Christian issues". The letter cited unnamed national opinion polls that reportedly showed "70 million Americans supporting a ban on the Soviets" and also conveyed the Coalition's concerns regarding proposed Soviet Olympic arrangements which the Coalition felt would "introduce adverse security implications" for the United States. Deaver's response was that the U.S. intended to honor the
Olympic Charter, whose language prevented host countries from banning other nation's athletes, and that the U.S. would "carefully consider any security implications". and urging President Reagan to ban the Soviets from attending the Games Upon realizing that Reagan would not support a ban, the Coalition turned to more provocative actions, including sending letters to Soviet Olympic officials warning that their athletes might be physically harmed. These efforts brought the Coalition outsized media attention in the United States and abroad, while the LAOOC, along with the
Reagan Administration, refrained from publicly denouncing their activities. Faced with increasing threats from the Coalition and silence from the LAOOC and the White House, the Soviets took their concerns to the
U.S. State Department, who warned the Soviets about the publicity Soviet media was beginning to devote to Ban the Soviets Coalition, as it was generating "far more interest and U.S. press coverage of this insignificant group than it could have ever achieved on its own." The Soviets requested that the State Department ban demonstrations against Soviet athletes while also suggesting that Balsiger be forcibly removed from Los Angeles to "a remote and quiet place", leaving Deputy U.S. Secretary of State
Kenneth Dam to ask "What more do they want, other than to change Los Angeles into a miniature of the Soviet Union?" In early April 1984, members of the Coalition met at a private home in the genteel residential enclave of
Hancock Park, in Los Angeles, to discuss erecting billboards along freeways that the Soviet athletes would travel during the Games as a means of encouraging defection, saying they hoped to establish 500 safe houses for any defectors. This spurred LAOOC President Ueberroth to belatedly begin reassuring the Soviets, first by telling them that the California legislation was unimportant because of the "scatterbrained way it was adopted", and second, by dismissing the Coalition as "fringe extremists, not a legitimate threat to athletes". Near the end of April 1984, the Coalition began boasting to the media that they had infiltrated the LAOOC with operatives who were preparing to assist any Soviet athletes who came to the Games and wished to defect, prompting Ueberroth to publicly label the group's leader Balsiger as "nutty". This led to the Coalition threatening to boycott all major Olympic Games' corporate sponsors if no public apology were forthcoming from Ueberroth. Ueberroth replied that he would "apologize if they'd change their name to a proper one...maybe call themselves the Coalition to Hurt Athletes or maybe the Coalition to Play into the Hands of the Soviets." Los Angeles Police Chief
Daryl Gates said of the Coalition, "I respect that group's
First Amendment right to do what they are doing, but I can tell you that the Russian athletes would never be aware of theirs or any other peaceful demonstrations". Gates and Ueberroth did not share in the Soviets' perception of the Coalition as a large and formidable threat, with Gates stating he "couldn't believe that the Russians would be intimidated by a tiny group like the Ban the Soviets Coalition" and Ueberroth saying the Coalition's entire membership "could all fit in a
station wagon and drive south, and it would be the end of it".
Preliminary positive meetings In spite of strong American reactions to the Korean Air Lines incident, several positive encounters signaling a likely Soviet attendance still preceded the Games. During the Summer of 1983 the Soviets signed a $3 million dollar television contract to broadcast the Games in the Soviet Union. In December 1983, a meeting of officials representing the LAOOC and 14 members of the Soviet NOC took place in Los Angeles, resulting in the signing of a protocol agreement concerning Soviet expectations for participation. At that time, the chairman of the Soviet NOC,
Marat Gramov, communicated his view of the upcoming Summer Games as being positive, and that he "saw no reason why the Soviet Union should not participate". One month later in January 1984, a second Soviet delegation visited Los Angeles to meet with the
International Olympic Committee (IOC)'s Executive Commission. This meeting was also viewed positively, with no mention of boycotts being made at that time. A final, positively viewed meeting was held during the
IOC's 87th Session on February 5, 1984, in Sarajevo, three days before the start of the
Sarajevo Winter Olympic Games. During that meeting, Soviet IOC member
Konstantin Andrianov offered congratulations to the LAOOC, saying they were doing "a great job". Four days later on February 9, 1984, the
General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
Yuri Andropov, died.
Yermishkin visa denial On March 2, 1984, the Soviets' proposed-Olympic attaché, Oleg Yermishkin, was denied an
entry visa from the U.S. State Department, which identified him as an operational officer of the
KGB. The LAOOC expressed consternation towards the State Department's decision on what the LAOOC considered to be a "minor issue", saying that it should not have been at all surprising that the Soviets, who had security concerns, would have wanted as their Olympic attaché, someone who was experienced in security matters directing the preparations for their team. After all, the LAOOC noted, the Israeli and Turkish delegations also had intelligence personnel involved as attachés in the preparations for their teams. LAOOC President Ueberroth, relying on assurances he said he received from the Reagan Administration, told the Soviets in Sarajevo that Yermishkin would be acceptable and that they should go ahead and proceed formally with his visa application. Although preparations for Yermishkin's arrival were ongoing for the past 5 months, the denial of his travel visa occurred on the very day he was set to travel to Los Angeles. David Simon, the LAOOC's chief of government relations, said of Yermishkin's visa denial:
Soviet NOC criticisms On April 9, the Soviet NOC released their first statement voicing criticisms concerning preparations for the Los Angeles Olympic Games. In response,
IOC President Juan Antonio Samaranch convened a meeting of the IOC Executive Commission on April 24, 1984 at the IOC main office in
Lausanne. Peter Ueberroth attended as representative of the LAOOC, with Marat Gramov representing the Soviet NOC. During the meeting, Gramov revealed for the first time that the "Soviet NOC had received declarations and letters from various nationalistic and terrorist groups and organizations with threats". In light of these threats, Gramov made four requests of the LAOOC covering entry into the United States, security, Soviet delegation and media access to Olympic sites, and the use of
Aeroflot charter flights. Gramov also requested use of the Soviet cruise ship
MS Gruziya for equipment storage, recreational space, and lodging for Soviet personnel other than athletes and trainers (who instead, would reside in
Rieber Hall at
UCLA). According to the LAOOC, "the parties also discussed other minor matters and agreed that all matters regarding the participation of any NOC could be resolved through dealing directly with the LAOOC only." In addition, the Soviet NOC stated that it "intended to participate in the Games of the XXIII Olympiad in Los Angeles under the condition that the
Olympic Charter is enforced". Both the LAOOC and the Soviet NOC agreed to communicate more often in the future. However, following the meeting, the LAOOC sent daily
telexes to the Soviet NOC for several days, but received no response. The LAOOC stated that "although the meeting itself had been encouraging, the lack of response by the USSR NOC to these messages was a clear cause for worry."
National Security Decision Directive Faced with Gramov's request for accommodations, Reagan had already signed
National Security Decision Directive on March 27, 1984, which addressed two of those requests: approval of Aeroflot flights to Los Angeles and permission for the docking of the
MS Gruziya in Long Beach Harbor. The directive stated:Soviet flights using Aeroflot would be monitored by the
FAA under guidance from the Overflight Security Committee, and the
Gruziya would be treated as a commercial 'Soviet Special Interest Vessel', subject to boarding and searches by the
U.S. Coast Guard. Radio transmissions from the vessel would be prohibited while docked at Pier 2, Berth 52 from July 15 until August 15, 1984. Michael Deaver had originally specified Berth 53, however, the
Coast Guard preferred Berth 52 as "easier to protect seaward and landward" since 52 was completely isolated from ongoing commercial activities such as restaurants and charter fishing boats, both of which were nearby 53. Berth 52 was not without issue, as using it would have rendered Berth 50 inaccessiblelocated across a narrow channel from 52with the
Gruziya deemed too wide to permit another ship docking simultaneously.
Shipping agents working with the
White House, the Coast Guard, Long Beach Port Authority and
Long Beach Police Department were well into the process of negotiating the berthing logistics needed to satisfy the security mandates of NSDD by mid-April. The level of detail placed into preplanning the ship's docking was noted by historians as rare evidence of Reagan's sincerity in accommodating Soviet requests, with the Directive he signed "designed to accommodate the Soviet requests while ensuring the sovereignty of U.S. authority over any potential security risks". While the directive went to great lengths to address two of the Soviets' concerns, it abrogated any American efforts to mitigate groups such as Ban the Soviets Coalition, as their activities were seen at best being protected by the First Amendment and, at worst, as a minor irritant. As Gramov made clear at the IOC meeting of April 24, provocations from activist groups were viewed as anything but minor by the Soviets. On April 29, 1984, Gramov sent a letter to the
Communist Party Central Committee in which he described the risk of anti-Soviet organizations using violence during the Games, therefore potentially encouraging participating Soviet athletes to come to their side. The document also included a statement that "participation in the Games would be difficult if the hostile activities were not ceased", and that the absence of the Soviet Union and other developing countries would "bring the first 'commercial Olympics' to economic catastrophe", and concluded that "if the [safety] conditions were not fulfilled, we will resign from participating". ==Soviets initiate the boycott==