The Mixtecs are one of the oldest populations of
Mesoamerica. Their language belongs to the Mixtec language group, related to
Zapotec and
Otomi. There is evidence of human occupation in
La Mixteca since the fifth millennium B.C.; however, it was only after the development of agriculture in Mesoamerica that the process that gave rise to the pre-Hispanic Mixtec culture began. Around the third millennium B.C., the first agricultural settlements appeared in the region, whose economy was based on the four basic Mesoamerican crops:
chili,
corn,
beans, and squash. Two thousand years later, amid the Middle Preclassic period, La Mixteca was the scene of an urban revolution, where population centers grew and were integrated into the vast network of exchanges that united Mesoamerican populations. Like most Mesoamerican societies, the Mixtecs did not form a political unit in pre-Hispanic times, but were organized into small states composed of several populations linked by hierarchical relationships. The history of the Mixtec in the Preclassic and Classic periods is little known, especially in relation to other contemporary Mesoamerican populations or to the period of flourishing of La Mixteca, corresponding to the Postclassic. At that time emerged the expansionism of Tututepec, a city founded by
Eight Deer Jaguar Claw that came to dominate a large territory between Coastal Mixteca and Highland Mixteca, while establishing a series of alliances with some states of central Mesoamerica. Except for isolated cases, such as
Tututepec, most of La Mixteca was occupied peacefully by the Spaniards from the second decade of the
16th century.
Preclassic Period In La Mixteca, the first sedentary populations began to appear from the 16th century BC onwards. This stage in the history of the Mixtec people corresponds to the Cruz phase in Highland Mixteca, the Pre-Ñudée and Ñudée phases in Lowland Mixteca and the Charco phase on the Coast. The development of these early agricultural villages in the region was contemporary to what was occurring in other areas of Mesoamerica, such as central Mexico, the
Central Valleys of Oaxaca and the
Gulf Coast of Mexico. However, the Mixtec communities of the
Formative period never reached the dimensions of the protourban populations of the Central Valleys, such as
San José Mogote and
Monte Albán. The settlement pattern of the Mixtecs in those years consisted of small communities dedicated to incipient agriculture, although there is evidence of their incorporation into the international exchange network of Mesoamerica. An example of this link to other
Mesoamerican societies is the influence of the Olmec style in the ceramics of Highland Mixteca. In sites such as
Huamelulpan and Tayata, figurines have been found that have Olmec iconographic characteristics, a style widely spread in almost all of Mesoamerica during the first millennium BC. On the other hand, in the Olmec nuclear area, Red-on-Bayo ceramic objects have been found that were undoubtedly produced in the region of Tayata, according to the studies that have been carried out on the chemical composition of those archaeological materials. During the period of formation of Mixtec cultural traits,
social stratification was incipient, as shown by the few differences that have been found in the remains of
dwellings corresponding to those times. On the other hand, the function of the buildings was not clearly differentiated either. Towards the end of the Middle Preclassic — a period in which Mesoamerica saw the flourishing of the
Olmec style, which was widely spread in the area — some towns began to appear in Highland Mixteca that were home to thousands of people in their heyday. Among them were
Monte Negro and
Huamelulpan, the former located near Tilantongo, which several hundred years later would become the head of one of the most powerful Mixtec states; and the latter, in the area of
Tlaxiaco. On the other hand, in Lowland Mixteca, the population of
Cerro de las Minas began to flourish in the valley of the
Mixteco River. In this period, which spans approximately from the
5th century BC to the
2nd century AD, Mixtec societies were undergoing a process of social differentiation that is reflected in the appearance of some public buildings in towns such as
Yucuita,
Etlatongo, Tayata and Huamelulpan in Highland Mixteca; and Cerro de las Minas and
Huajuapan in Lowland Mixteca. The increasingly defined stratification of the Mixtec populations of this period is a reflection of the process that gave way to the foundation of the first
states in the area based on
chiefdom societies. The political structure at the end of the Late Cruz phase in Highland Mixteca was made up of a series of states that dominated small territories where numerous hierarchically organized populations existed. The hierarchy of the populations has been observed in the amount of architectural monuments that each locality housed, which has allowed inferring the type of relationships that existed between the center of regional relevance and the second line towns. A well-known case is that of Huamelulpan, whose rapid growth relegated Tayata — which was one of the largest Mixtec towns of the Middle Preclassic — to a second position, causing population contraction and the cessation of architectural works in Tayata around the
3rd century BC. The urban revolution in La Mixteca was contemporary with the process that led to the formation of the Zapotec state headed by
Monte Albán. The Zapotec populations of
Los Valles that emerged in the Middle Preclassic were comparable in size to the Mixtec populations of the highlands. However, the history of Monte Albán would mark several differences with the Mixtec lordships, among them the spatial dimensions under state rule. In La Mixteca, the states dominated small territories that sometimes did not exceed one hundred square kilometers in area. In contrast, Monte Albán occupied a much larger territory and early on undertook an expansionist campaign that led it to occupy the
Cañada de Cuicatlán and some regions of the
Sierra Juárez. The influence of Monte Albán in La Mixteca during the Preclassic is evident: in several localities of Highland Mixteca there are ceramic productions with similar characteristics to those of the
Zapotec ceramics of Los Valles: Huamelulpan produced urns that were similar to those produced in Monte Albán, and in that same region, inscriptions in the
Zapotec writing system have been found. However, there is no evidence that Monte Albán dominated the Mixtec politically, so it is plausible that these influences are a reflection of a single cultural process that gave rise to both civilizations. . It is currently in the National Museum of Anthropology in Mexico City.
Classic Period In the Mixtec culture, the Classic Period covers approximately the period between the
1st and
8th/
9th centuries, with some variations according to the local history of each
cultural area. Throughout Mesoamerica,
cities of considerable dimensions and populations appear, with a clear specialization in the use of space and a social differentiation that is reflected in the diverse characteristics of the remains of the constructions. The
Teotihuacan cultural influence is felt throughout the region, although only in some localities has the political and military domination of this metropolis been proven. The commercial ties became stronger between the different towns, already specialized in the production of certain goods for subsistence and sumptuary use. As with the Preclassic period, the history of the Mixtec people in this phase of urbanization and the emergence of large states in Mesoamerica is little known. The Classic period in La Mixteca is marked by a process of substitution of the centers of political power throughout the region. Some characteristics of the Preclassic Mixtec states were inherited by their successors, among them the fragmentation of control over the territory among numerous hierarchically organized populations. In Highland Mixteca,
Yucuita was replaced by Yucuñudahui as the seat of political power in the Nochixtlán valley; in other areas of Highland Mixteca, such as the Huamelulpan valley, this replacement did not occur, and
Huamelulpan, which was one of the main towns during the Late Ramos phase, collapsed and lost an important part of its population, although the occupation of the city was continuous until the Postclassic. Throughout Highland Mixteca, population density increased, which led to the appearance of new urban localities in the valleys and mountains of the area. Among these are
Monte Negro, Diquiyú, Cerro Jazmín in the center; and the Poblano river basin in the valley of Coixtlahuaca. Although during the Preclassic period the urbanization process in La Mixteca and Los Valles had similar characteristics, for the Classic period the situation is different. Some works want to see in Yucuñudahui a Mixtec counterpart of Monte Albán. However, unlike the Zapotec society, with a single capital in Monte Albán, the Mixtecs were organized in small city-states that rarely exceeded twelve thousand inhabitants. According to Spores, Yucuñudahui was only one of many states that had their headquarters in the valley of Nochixtlán. On the other hand, in some cases the population density in La Mixteca was higher than in the valleys, as shown by the study of settlement patterns in Highland Mixteca. During the Mixtec Classic period, there were signs of a clearly stratified society and the characteristic features of the Mixtec religion were consolidated, among them, the cult of rain and lightning, condensed in the divinization of
Dzahui. On the other hand, a cultural complex with its own characteristics appeared in Lowland Mixteca, which spread throughout that area and the eastern part of the current
state of Guerrero. The main center of this culture — which Paddock called ñuiñe to differentiate it from the Mixtec culture — was
Cerro de las Minas (to the north of
Huajuapan de León), a population whose beginnings date back to the Late Preclassic, but whose flourishing occurred from the second century of the Christian era. Cerro de las Minas has urban characteristics similar to the cities of Highland Mixteca. It was built around a group of several small plazas around which the rest of the population was distributed — and this is one of the differences of Mixtec urbanism in comparison with other Mesoamerican towns whose cities were organized around a single large main plaza. The space on which it was built was modified by the construction of terraces, called
coo yuu (lama-bordo), so the city has numerous stairways. Cerro de las Minas was embellished with numerous reliefs containing inscriptions in a
writing system that is little known to date, called
ñuiñe. The similarities between these inscriptions and those on the Zapotec stelae of Monte Albán suggest a very strong relationship between Los Valles and Lowland Mixteca during the Classic. Other sites where vestiges of the ñuiñe culture have been found in Lowland Mixteca are San Pedro and San Pablo Tequixtepec, the Tonalá cave and the Colossal Bridge in Oaxaca;
Acatlán de Osorio, Hermengildo Galeana and
San Pablo Anicano (
Puebla); and in numerous sites in La Montaña de Guerrero, such as Copanatoyac,
Malinaltepec, Zoyatlán,
Metlatónoc and
Huamuxtitlán. In many cases they are ceramic samples with similar characteristics to those produced in Cerro de las Minas: fragments of vessels with little or no decoration, made with a brownish orange paste whose composition is similar to the Anaranjado Delgado pottery produced in
Ixcaquixtla (Puebla), on the northern border of Lowland Mixteca. Other characteristic elements of the ñuiñe culture are the so-called colossal heads, small stone sculptures representing anthropomorphic heads — some of which are objects of worship by the indigenous communities of La Mixteca guerrerense; as well as certain urns representing the god of fire and a local version of Dzahui, whose characteristics were similar to the contemporary effigies of
Pitao Cocijo produced by the Zapotecs of Los Valles. During the Classic period, Lowland Mixteca was the seat of the main political centers of La Mixteca. The relay of Highland Mixteca states seems to have involved a series of events that destabilized the region politically, so that one of the main characteristics of the cities in Ñuiñe is their location in strategic points that facilitated their defense. In the same way that Huamelulpan and its satellites during the Late Preclassic; Cerro de las Minas, Diquiyú and other cities of Lowland Mixteca had fortifications and their administrative and religious buildings were built on the slopes of the hills, while the habitable areas were built in areas of relatively easier access. The war in Lowland Mixteca during the Classic period could have been caused not only by the competition between the states of the region, it is also probable that the rivalry with the
Zapotecs of Los Valles was the cause of conflicts in the area. The warlike activity could also have been related to the ritualism of
human sacrifices and
the ballgame. Towards the 7th century of the Christian era, most of the Mesoamerican towns faced serious crises that led to the decline of several of the most powerful states, among them
Teotihuacan and
Monte Alban. The Mixtec states also faced these widespread upheavals. In the Lowland Mixteca, the ñuiñe culture disappeared towards the end of the Classic period and several of the most important cities were partially or completely abandoned, both in the Lowland Mixteca and in the Highland Mixteca. However, there were not few cities such as Cerro Jazmín and
Tilantongo that had a continuous occupation in the Classic and Postclassic transition. in Oaxaca. Classic Period (c. II-VII/VIII A.D.).
National Museum of Anthropology.
Postclassic Period The Postclassic is by far the best known period of pre-Hispanic Mixtec history, thanks to the preservation of oral history in colonial documents, but also to the
codex that survived the destruction and the time after the arrival of the Spaniards in La Mixteca. In Mesoamerica, the Postclassic is marked by the flourishing of militaristic states. This does not mean that the societies of the previous stages had ignored the war, because the
city-states of La Mixteca were protected by walls since the first millennium before the Christian era. What happens is that in this period, military activity seems to have taken on greater importance, as evidenced by the proliferation of
paraphernalia associated with war and the cult of warrior deities throughout the region. By the end of the eighth century, the ñuiñe style was beginning to decline in Lowland Mixteca, until it was gradually supplanted by the
iconographic style of the Mixtec codex. The appearance of a new artistic style, accompanied by other cultural changes, such as the deep-rooted veneration of the
Feathered Serpent and the construction of interethnic alliances, is not exclusive to the Mixtecs of the Early Postclassic period and has its antecedents in the political and social changes of the end of the Classic period in central Mexico. Throughout La Mixteca the population began to increase dramatically, although the most important demographic changes took place in Highland Mixteca. According to archaeological research, in Highland Mixteca the number of localities corresponding to the Natividad phase (10th-16th century A.D.) doubled with respect to those existing in the previous phase, that is, the Las Flores phase. In the same way, the area occupied by these localities increased significantly, reaching 10,450 hectares of urban area. These populations were organized in small
states hostile to each other, each headed by a city of first importance that ruled over other settlements subject to its authority. The construction of a hierarchical structure in the relations between the head towns of the Mixtec lordships (called
ñuu) and their satellites (called
siqui) is constant in Mixtec history, although in this period it is accentuated due to the increase in population and the political strategies of the ruling
elites. . From the Postclassic onwards, the Mixtecs had more extensive contacts with other populations of what is now
Oaxaca, even in spite of linguistic and ethnic differences. A special case is the relationship between Mixtecs and
Zapotecs, present in earlier times but now more intense. These relations were not only the result of their neighborliness in the same region, but also had economic and political purposes. The existence of a dense network of
matrimonial alliances between Mixtec and Zapotec elites has been documented. For example, the
Codex Nuttall tells of the marriage of Three Lizard with a Zapotec noblewoman from
Zaachila, from whose marriage
Cocijoeza was born, the future lord of that city who forged a combined Mixtec and Zapotec army and undertook an expansionist campaign in the
Central Valleys of Oaxaca. There are numerous cities in Los Valles that show signs of Mixtec presence, including Monte Albán itself, where
Alfonso Caso rescued the treasure from Tomb 7. The existence of works of Mixtec influence in Los Valles has been the subject of speculation by specialists. For some, it is evidence of Mixtec expansionism, so that the Zapotecs of Los Valles would have been politically dominated by the Mixtecs. However, it is also plausible that the matrimonial and political alliances between Mixtecs and Zapotecs have favored the diffusion of Mixtec art in the Zapotec territory, art that was used as an element of prestige by the elite of the Zapotec cities. Besides Monte Albán, other cities of Los Valles that show archaeological objects of Mixtec manufacture or influence are
Mitla,
Lambityeco,
Yagul,
Cuilapan and
Zaachila; this last one was the most important of the Zapotec cities until its conquest by the
Mexica in the 15th century.
Colonization of the Costa Region Since the Preclassic,
the coast of Oaxaca was occupied by Zapotec-speaking populations. According to
glottochronological analyses, the separation between the
Chatino language and the rest of the languages of the
Zapotecan group must have occurred around the
5th century B.C. In contrast, the coastal varieties of Mixtec seem to have separated from the rest of the languages of Highland Mixteca around the
10th or
11th century CE, from which it can be inferred that the presence of the Mixtecs on the coast is relatively late. In light of these data and the analysis of archaeological artifacts found in the region, it is probable that the linguistic identity of the inhabitants of the lower Verde River valley during the Preclassic and Classic periods was Zapotecan, displaced from central Oaxaca. Although the relationship between the lower Verde River valley and Highland Mixteca is not completely ruled out due to geographical proximity, the presence of the Mixtecs in the Coastal region is the product of a late colonization. The massive movement of the Mixtecs to the towns of La Costa caused a change in the power relations in these communities. The Zapotec towns, like the
Chatinos, came under the political domination of the Mixtec elites. The Mixtec chiefdoms of La Costa had, for this reason, a multi-ethnic population, as in the case of
Tututepec. Although this locality was occupied before the Postclassic period, it shows signs of a spectacular demographic growth between the 9th and 10 centuries, related precisely to the Mixtec migration from the highlands. From the 11th century onward, Tututepec would play a fundamental role in Mixtec history, being the first seat of
Eight Deer, a Mixtec lord who would dominate a territory of more than 40,000 square kilometers after unifying numerous hostile states, defeating them militarily and establishing political alliances with them.
Chiefdom of Eight Deer that identifies him as tecuhtli, a rank of the Nahua nobility of central Mexico. Page 52 of the
Codex Nuttall. Highland Mixteca, 14th century. Now in the possession of the
British Museum. The political fragmentation of the Mixtec people in pre-Hispanic times was a constant that transcended the centuries. However, between the 11th and 12th centuries CE, numerous lordships in the three Mixtecs formed a unit under the rule of
Eight Deer Jaguar Claw (in Mixtec,
Iya Naacua Teyusi Ñaña;
Tilantongo, 1063-1115). This character is fundamental in the postclassic history of Mesoamerica, not only for the power he acquired in La Mixteca, but also for the relations he established with other populations, especially with the Nahua people of central Mexico. Eight Deer was born of the second marriage of Five Lizard-
Dzahui Ndicahndíí, priest of the Temple of Heaven that was located in Tilantongo (in Mixtec,
Ñuu Tnoo Huahi Andehui). He was, therefore, outside the line of succession to the throne of the lordship of Tilantongo. Thanks to the prestige obtained in military campaigns — according to
Codex Nuttall, the first of them occurred in
1071, when Eight Deer was eight years old — Eight Deer occupied in
1083 the throne of
Tututepec (in Mixtec:
Yucudzáa), in the valley of the lower
Verde River, near the Pacific coast. Later, Eight Deer sealed an alliance with the Toltecs, from whom he received the rank of
tecuhtli in Ñuu Cohyo. On the 13 Lizard day of the 7 House year (
1097), Eight Deer met with Four Jaguar who was an important ally in his rise to power. The alliance between Eight Deer and Four Jaguar helped legitimize Eight Deer's rise to the throne of Tilantongo after the death of lord Two Rain, the local ruler. To avoid the probable claims of Two Rain's descendants, Eight Deer eliminated them all and became the sole heir to the lordship. The conquest of
Lugar del Bulto de Xipe, where a branch of the royal lineage of Tilantongo was located, was of special importance. In Lugar del Bulto de Xipe ruled Eleven Wind-Bloody Jaguar, married to Six Lizard-Jade Fan (half-sister of Eight Deer) and Six Monkey-War Quexquémitl (heir to the throne of
Jaltepec). On the 12 Monkey day of the 11 House year (
1101), Eight Deer defeated the defenders of Lugar del Bulto de Xipe. It is unknown how Six Monkey and Eleven Wind died. Their sons Ten Dog-Eagle of Burning Tobacco and Six House-String of Flint were sacrificed, the former by gladiatorial sacrifice and the latter by ritual arrowing. In this way, Eight Deer added the important lordships of Jaltepec and Lugar del Bulto de Xipe to the territories under his dominion. During his reign in Tilantongo, Eight Deer managed to conquer around one hundred Mixtec lordships. In addition, he established an important network of alliances through his marriages. Among others, his wives were the ladies Thirteen Serpent-Flowered Serpent, daughter of the first marriage of Eleven Wind of Lugar del Bulge de Xipe (year of 13 Cane,
1103); Six Eagle-Spiderweb Jaguar and Ten Zopilote-Conch Quexquémitl. His first son was born in the year 6 House (
1109) of his marriage with Six Eagle and was heir to the throne of Tilantongo. Eight Deer died sacrificed in
1115, after being defeated by a coalition of rebel lords that were under his dominion. The rebel alliance was led by Four Wind, the only son of Eleven Wind and Six Monkey who had escaped death after the fall of Lugar del Bulto de Xipe. Eight Deer's remains were probably deposited in the royal grotto of
Chalcatongo. At his death, the Mixtec kingdom dissolved into numerous states, ending the only period of political unity in the pre-Hispanic history of the region.
Mexica Conquest Upon the death of Eight Deer, his sons inherited some of the most important lordships that were part of the kingdom under the rule of Tilantongo. In other Mixtec cities, the old local elites regained their power. The reestablishment of the old system of political organization in small states implied the revival of conflicts between some of them or the establishment of alliances or confederations. By this time, La Mixteca — and especially Highland Mixteca — was one of the most prosperous regions of Mesoamerica. It exported luxury goods to other regions, such as polychrome ceramics,
featherwork, goldsmithing, rock crystal, bone, and wood carvings, as well as livelihood assets typical of tropical regions and temperate climate zones. La Mixteca is strategically located between the central part of Mexico and the Mesoamerican southeast, so that in the time of expansionism of the
Triple Alliance formed by
Mexico-Tenochtitlan,
Tetzcoco, and
Tlacopan —confederation called
Excan Tlatoloyan — quickly awakened the interests of the Mexica and their allies in the Texcoco Lake basin. By the second half of the 15th century, a large part of La Mixteca was under the political as well as military power of Tenochtitlan. Some of the most important cities in the region were converted into centers that concentrated the tribute demanded by the conquerors, among them
Coixtlahuaca, which until before the Mexica conquest had become one of the largest cities in Mesoamerica. The advance of the Mexica in Highland Mixteca allowed them to dominate also the Central Valleys of Oaxaca, in their eagerness to assure their predominance in the commercial routes between the Mexican highlands and the Pacific coast of Guatemala and Chiapas. The Mexica also tried to conquer the Mixtec coast and the
Isthmus of Tehuantepec, but were defeated by an alliance between the Zapotecs and Mixtecs in their campaigns against
Tututepec — which at the time dominated a territory of approximately 25,000 square kilometers in the Costa Chica of Oaxaca — as well as in those carried out in the Isthmus. Of special importance was the Mixtec-Zapotec victory at
Guiengola, a fortress where the Mexica were definitively defeated by the defenders of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.
Spanish Conquest The arrival of the Spaniards on the coast of
Veracruz in 1519 provoked different types of reactions. Several populations saw the Spaniards as an opportunity for liberation, among them the
Zempoaltecs and the
Tlaxcaltecs. After the
fall of Mexico-Tenochtitlan in 1521, the Spaniards and their indigenous allies concentrated their attacks on other populations such as the Mixtecs. But unlike what happened in central Mexico, most of the Mixtecs established agreements with the Spaniards, giving rise to a process of mutual cultural adaptation that in turn allowed the Mixtecs to retain many of their traditions and customs, such as their language, commercial practices, agricultural methods, etc. Only some parts of La Mixteca militarily resisted the Spanish conquest, as in the case of Tututepec. == Society ==