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Safari Club

The Safari Club was a covert alliance of intelligence services formed in 1976 that ran clandestine operations around Africa after the United States Congress limited the power of the CIA in the mid-1970s. The Club formed in the late 1970's after the bloodless left-wing Carnation Revolution on 25th April 1974, after which Portugal's last colonies in Africa gained independence. The revolution effectively ended the Portuguese Colonial War.

Organization
Alexandre de Marenches initiated the pact with messages to the four other countries—and to newly independent Algeria, which declined to participate. Infrastructure The Safari Club takes its name (reportedly de Marenches' idea) after the exclusive resort in Kenya where the group first met in 1976. The club was operated by Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi—also a friend of Adham's. The original charter establishes that an operations center would be built by 1 September 1976 in Cairo. The group made its headquarters there, and its organization included a secretariat, a planning wing, and an operations wing. Meetings were also held in Saudi Arabia and in Egypt. The group made large purchases of real estate and secure communications equipment. The creation of the Safari Club coincided with the consolidation of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI). The BCCI served to launder money, particularly for Saudi Arabia and the United States—whose CIA director in 1976, George H. W. Bush, had a personal account. "The Safari Club needed a network of banks to finance its intelligence operations. With the official blessing of George Bush as the head of the CIA, Adham transformed a small Pakistani merchant bank, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), into a worldwide money-laundering machine, buying banks around the world in order to create the biggest clandestine money network in history." BCCI also served as an intelligence gathering mechanism by virtue of its extensive contacts with underground organizations worldwide. "They contrived, with Bush and other intelligence-service heads, a plan that seemed too good to be true. The bank would solicit the business of every major terrorist, rebel, and underground organization in the world. The invaluable intelligence thus gained would be discreetly distributed to 'friends' of the BCCI." United States involvement (left) was a key CIA contact for the Safari Club The United States was not a formal member of the group, but was involved to some degree, particularly through the CIA. Henry Kissinger is credited with the American strategy of supporting the Safari Club implicitly—allowing it to fulfill American objectives by proxy without risking direct responsibility ("plausible deniability"). This function became particularly important after the US Congress passed the War Powers Resolution in 1973 and the Clark Amendment in 1976, reacting against covert military actions orchestrated within the government's executive branch. An important factor in the nature of US involvement concerned changing domestic perceptions of the CIA and government secrecy. The Rockefeller Commission and the Church Committee had recently launched investigations that revealed decades of illegal operations by the CIA and the FBI. The Watergate scandal directed media attention at these secret operations, and served as a proximate cause for these ongoing investigations. President Jimmy Carter discussed public concerns over secrecy in his campaign, and when he took office in January 1977 he attempted to reduce the scope of covert CIA operations. As the Safari Club was beginning operations, former CIA Director Richard Helms and agent Theodore Shackley were under scrutiny from Congress and feared that new covert operations could be quickly exposed. Peter Dale Scott has classified the Safari Club as part of the "second CIA"—an extension of the organization's reach maintained by an autonomous group of key agents. Thus even as Carter's new CIA director Stansfield Turner attempted to limit the scope of the agency's operations, Shackley, his deputy Thomas Clines, and agent Edwin P. Wilson secretly maintained their connections with the Safari Club and the BCCI. ==Undercover operations without congressional oversight==
Undercover operations without congressional oversight
The Safari Club used an informal division of labor in conducting its global operations. Saudi Arabia provided money, France provided high-end technology, and Egypt and Morocco supplied weapons and troops. The Safari Club typically coordinated with American and Israeli intelligence agencies. The Safari Club ultimately provided US$5 million in assistance for Jonas Savimbi's National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). Egypt–Israel peace talks The group helped to mediate talks between Egypt and Israel, leading to Sadat's visit to Jerusalem in 1977, the Camp David Accords in 1978, and the Egypt–Israel peace treaty in 1979. This process began with a Moroccan member of the Safari Club personally transporting a letter from Yitzhak Rabin to Sadat (and reportedly warning him of a Libyan assassination plot); this message was followed by secret talks in Morocco—supervised by King Hassan II—with Israeli general Moshe Dayan, Mossad director Yitzhak Hofi and Egyptian intelligence agent Hassan Tuhami. Immediately after CIA Director Stansfield Turner told an Israeli delegation that the CIA would no longer provide special favors to Israel, Shackley (who remained active in the Safari Club) contacted Mossad and presented himself as their CIA contact. Ethiopia and Somalia region (red) of Ethiopia in relation to Somalia The Ogaden War erupted when Somalia sent its army to support the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) in its effort to gain the independence of the (ethnically Somali) Ogaden region of Ethiopia. Prior to the war, the USSR had supported both states militarily. After failing to negotiate a ceasefire, the USSR intervened to defend Ethiopia. The Soviet-backed Ethiopian forces—supported by more than ten thousand troops from Cuba, more than one thousand military advisors, and about $1 billion worth of Soviet armaments—defeated the Somali army and WSLF. The Ogaden War brought unique divergence between the policies of the US and the Safari Club. Iran sought to back Somalia in the war, but was rebuffed by the Carter administration. Israel had urged the United States to support Ethiopia against the Somalis and consulted with Washington over the issue, consequently the US made no protest about Israel's shipment of American arms support to the Ethiopians during the war. The Carter administration, perturbed by Somalia's unexpected aggressiveness, decided against backing Somalia, and the Shah of Iran was forced to deliver the message from Americans that, "You Somalis are threatening to upset the balance of world power." The Safari Club approached Somali leader Siad Barre and offered arms in exchange for repudiating the Soviet Union. Barre agreed, and Saudi Arabia paid Egypt $75 million for its older Soviet weapons. Iran supplied old weapons (reportedly including M-48 tanks) from the US. But on 22 August 1980, Carter's Department of State announced a broad plan for military development in Somalia, including construction of a base as well as economic and military aid to the Somali National Army. This policy would continue into the Reagan administration. Only in the aftermath of the 1982 Ethiopian–Somali Border War was US military aid to Somalia significantly increased. Arming and funding the Afghan mujahideen Safari Club members, the BCCI, and the United States cooperated in arming and funding the Afghan mujahideen to oppose the Soviet Union (Operation Cyclone). The core of this plan was an agreement between the United States and Saudi Arabia to match each other in funding Afghan resistance to the USSR. Like military support for Somalia, this policy began in 1980 and continued into the Reagan administration. ==Further developments==
Further developments
in the White House, 15 November 1977. The Safari Club could not continue as it was when the 1978–1979 Iranian Revolution neutralized the Shah as an ally. and Saudi Arabia provided the funds for the attempted assassination of Sayyed Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah. The existence of the Safari Club was discovered by the Egyptian journalist Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, who was permitted to review documents confiscated during the Iranian Revolution. ==See also==
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