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Non-negative responsiveness

Non-negative responsiveness or monotonicity is a property of a social choice rule, which says that increasing a candidate's rank on some ballots should not cause them to lose. This means rankings can be interpreted as ordering candidates from best to worst, with higher ranks corresponding to more support. Voting systems that violate non-negative responsiveness can be said to exhibit negative response, perversity, or an additional support paradox.

Definition
Miller defined two main classes of monotonicity failure in 2012, which have been repeated in later papers: Views Social choice theorists generally agree that negative responsiveness is an especially severe issue for a voting rule. == By method ==
By method
Runoff voting Runoff-based voting systems such as ranked choice voting (RCV) are typically vulnerable to negative response. A notable example is the 2009 Burlington mayoral election, the United States' second instant-runoff election in the modern era, where Bob Kiss won the election as a result of 750 ballots ranking him in last place. Another example is given by the 2022 Alaska at-large special election. An example with three parties (Top, Center, Bottom) is shown below. In this scenario, the Bottom party loses the first election. However, in the second election, it is elected after running an unsuccessful campaign and adopting a less popular platform, which pushes its supporters away; all of these pushed-away voters favor the Top party and none shift to supporting the Center party. These two elections are an example of a center-squeeze, a class of elections where instant-runoff and plurality have difficulties electing the majority-preferred candidate. Here, the loss of support for Bottom policies makes the Top party more popular, allowing it to defeat the Center party in the second round of the second election. Proportional rules Some proportional representation systems can exhibit negative responsiveness. These include the single transferable vote and some implementations of mixed-member proportional representation, generally as a result of poorly designed overhang rules. An example can be found in the 2005 German federal election. == Frequency of violations ==
Frequency of violations
The frequency of negative response will depend on the electoral method, the candidates, and the distribution of outcomes. Empirical analysis In the US, a 2021 analysis of instant-runoff elections in California between 2008 and 2016, as well as the 2009 Burlington, Vermont mayoral election, found an upward monotonicity anomaly rate of 0.74% (1/135) in all elections, 2.71% (1/37) when limited to elections going to a second round of counting and 7.7% (1/13) of elections with three competitive candidates. Two of those elections are also noted as specific examples below. Semi-empirical Some empirical research do not have access to full ballot preference data, and thus make probabilistic estimates of transfer patterns. A 2013 survey of Irish elections using IRV and PR-STV found plausible non-monotonicity in 20 out of 1326 elections between 1922 and 2011. Data from the five UK general elections between 1992 and 2010 showed 2642 three candidate elections in English constituencies. With second preferences imputed from survey data, 1.7% of all elections appeared vulnerable to monotonicity anomalies (1.4% upward, 0.3% downward), significantly lower than simulated datasets from the same paper. However, when limited to the 4.2% of elections considered three-way competitive25% but might need to check that, also probably get consensus that it's correct per CALC-->, 40.2% appeared vulnerable (33% upward, 7.1% downward), and further increasing with closer competition, a result closer to the simulations. A 2022 analysis out of the 10 French presidential elections (conducted under the two-round system) 2 had results where monotonicity violations were not mathematically possible, another 6 where violations were unlikely given the evidence, leaving 2 elections (2002 and 2007) where an upward monotonicity violation was probable and likely respectively. Theoretical models Results using the impartial culture model predict violations in about 15% of IRV elections with 3 candidates; A 2013 study using a two-dimensional spatial model of voting estimated at least 15% of IRV elections would be non-monotonic in the best-case scenario (with only three equally-competitive candidates). The researchers concluded that "three-way competitive races will exhibit unacceptably frequent monotonicity failures" and "In light of these results, those seeking to implement a fairer multi-candidate election system should be wary of adopting IRV." Burlington, Vermont In Burlington's second IRV election, incumbent Bob Kiss was re-elected, despite losing in a head-to-head matchup with Democrat Andy Montroll (the Condorcet winner). However, if Kiss had gained more support from Wright voters, Kiss would have lost. 2005 German election in Dresden In the 2005 German federal election, CDU supporters in Dresden were instructed to vote for the FDP, a strategy that allowed the CDU to win an additional seat. This led the Federal Constitutional Court to rule that negative responsiveness violates the German constitution's guarantee of equal and direct suffrage. == See also ==
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