Pentecostalism in Latin America

in Lago Verde, Maranhão The first Pentecostal denominations in Latin America were established before the major denominations in the United States. Vinson Synan identifies five groups within Pentecostalism: classical Pentecostals (Assemblies of God, Church of God), Protestant charismatics, Catholic charismatics, independent Pentecostals, and indigenous churches in the Third World, most of which are Pentecostal. Carmelo E. Alvarez categorizes three groups: churches founded by immigrants (e.g., Christian Congregation in Brazil), which were independent from the start; churches established by foreign missions (often from the US), initially reliant on external funding but later independent, shaped by North American models; and indigenous churches with no ties to foreign denominations or funds. Pentecostals in historical Protestant churches and the Catholic Church are classified as a separate group – neopentecostals. in Águas de São Pedro Sociologist William Mauricio Beltrán Cely identifies three main streams of Pentecostalism in Latin America, which, despite similarities, differ in teachings on life and salvation. Despite differences, distinguishing between Pentecostals and charismatics is challenging, as fundamentalists dominate among Pentecostals but are a minority among charismatics. Pentecostals are more institutionalized, originating in the 1890s–1920s, while charismatics emerged in the 1950s–1960s. The third stream incorporates local beliefs, both indigenous and African, emphasizing miracles (especially exorcisms) and practices to achieve them, with personal testimonies central and little focus on eternal salvation. The largest Pentecostal denomination in Latin America is the Assemblies of God, predominant in Brazil, Venezuela, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, and several Central American countries. Religious experience outweighs doctrine in the Pentecostal movement. == Significance and influence ==

, Brazil Pentecostalism began playing a significant political role in Latin America from the 1980s. By 5 October 2006, Guatemala had two Pentecostal presidents, about 10% of Brazil's parliamentarians were Pentecostals, Chile's Pentecostals annually organized Independence Day events, and in Nicaragua, Pentecostals formed a political party that ran a presidential candidate and won congressional seats. The movement's growth coincided with regional democratization. == Social issues and politics ==

Politics Initially, Pentecostals avoided politics. Lalive d'Epinay, studying Chilean Pentecostals in the 1960s, found 50% of pastors banned union membership, 64% believed the church should avoid politics, and 85% prohibited political involvement. D'Epinay concluded Pentecostals supported the status quo, a view shared by others. David Martin in the 1990s described Pentecostalism as apolitical. However, social engagement later increased, making Pentecostals visible in public spheres. Pentecostals show political pluralism. Influences include US impact, their representation of marginalized groups, Catholic culture, Pentecostal theology, and divides between leaders and followers. Sean Samuel O'Neil noted US influence, particularly in Guatemala and Nicaragua, though it can be overstated. Pentecostals range from conservative to progressive, occasionally adopting Catholic elements like corporatism in Chile and Brazil's "Brazil for Christ" denomination. Critics attribute controversial decisions by Pentecostal politicians to literal biblical interpretations. Pentecostals are less politically active than Catholics and traditional Protestants. Women's emancipation , Colombian senator since 2002, lawyer, co-founder of the MIRA party, and neopentecostal activist Latin American culture, rooted in Mediterranean Catholicism, historically excluded women from public life and church leadership. Liberation theology and Pentecostalism challenged this. Pentecostalism enabled women's activity beyond the household, with women's meetings, leadership in mixed gatherings, faith healing, church planting, and missionary work. On 15 November 1975, Cornelia B. Flora noted that Pentecostal women could achieve higher status than men due to roles based on charisma, like preaching. Edward Cleary in 1992 suggested Pentecostalism often boosts women's social activity. Latin American Pentecostalism promotes strong families, responsible husbands, and spousal equality, rejecting moral relativism and emphasizing fidelity and responsibility. Conversion fosters mobilization and self-worth, positively impacting marriage, health, work, and education. Zionism Pentecostals differ from Catholics and traditional Protestants in their support for Israel and Zionism, driven by dispensationalist eschatology from the Plymouth Brethren. This is prominent in Central America, attributed to US proximity or the late-19th-century Central American Mission, which popularized dispensationalism. Venezuelan Pentecostals also support Zionism, despite the country's anti-Israel stance, providing theological backing for Israel. In Chile, indigenous Pentecostals (Methodist Pentecostals) show mild pro-Zionist leanings, stronger among those influenced by American Pentecostalism. believing God acts throughout history. Unlike other fundamentalists, Pentecostals emphasize experience, believing miracles from the Acts of the Apostles occur today. This allows women leadership roles, verified by experience rather than doctrine. == Statistics and demographics ==

, Guadalajara, Jalisco Pentecostalism grew rapidly in Latin America from the 1960s. In 1970, Pentecostals and charismatics comprised 4% of the population. By 1 January 2005, per World Christian Database, there were 75 million Pentecostals (13%) and 80 million Protestant and Catholic charismatics (15%). Since 1989, growth has slowed. Juan Kessler noted in Costa Rica that 8.1% of adults were former Protestants in 1989, rising to 12% by 1991, with 62% becoming Catholics and 31% unaffiliated. In Mexico, 43% raised Protestant left by adulthood. Kurt Bowen attributed high dropout rates to sectarian zeal (asceticism, charismatism), with 68% of 1980s Protestant converts in Mexico leaving by 1990. Kessler cited poor pastoral training, Bowen excessive demands. Steigenga predicted a balance between new and departing members. == Reasons for Pentecostal growth ==

For three centuries, Spain and Portugal blocked non-Catholic religions in their colonies. Catholic evangelization was politically motivated and coercive. Protestant churches emerged in the 19th century, followed by evangelicals. Traditional Protestants viewed Latin America as evangelized by Catholics (1910 Edinburgh Conference), but evangelicals saw it as a mission field. Presbyterian, Methodist, Quaker, and Bible society missions had limited success due to anti-Catholicism and foreign liturgies. Pentecostals proved the most expansive evangelical group, with various explanations for their success despite doctrinal similarity to other fundamentalists (Methodists, Baptists, Presbyterians). Timothy J. Steigenga, a political scientist, analyzed three explanations. Among the reasons cited is the support of the United States for Protestant churches, especially due to pressure concerning the constitutional guarantee of religious freedom. President Theodore Roosevelt believed that Latin America would remain difficult to win over to American economic interests as long as it remained Catholic. In 1984, Nueva Vida published an article claiming that the 1969 Rockefeller Report stated that the Catholic Church was no longer a guarantor of social stability on the continent and had therefore ceased to be a trustworthy ally of the United States. The report was said to call on the US government to support the development of Protestantism. However, no such statement exists in the Rockefeller Report, although this argument is still often cited. It was used by Guerriero and Impagliazzo in their book on the recent history of the church. In 1986, a Vatican report was written on sects and new religious movements. The report included a remark that sects serve external economic and political interests. Steigenga's adaptive model views conversion as a survival strategy during change, though converts cited the religion's answers to daily life questions. Other factors include promises of freedom from addiction, material aid, divine healing, and prosperity gospel. One of the factors that led to the shift toward Pentecostalism was liberation theology. Catholic priests began to speak mainly about politics instead of the Gospel. Rather than addressing spiritual issues, they preached that social problems were paramount and that alienation was to blame for everything. As a result, many Catholics turned to Pentecostals, who "did not talk to them about Fidel Castro and the struggle against oppressors, but about Jesus Christ and the struggle against sin". Emilio Willems and Christian Lalive d'Epinay, the first sociologists to study Pentecostalism, believed that the reason for the growth of this religious movement was its ability to meet human needs. In the second half of the 20th century, Latin American society underwent profound social transformations, and many people were forced to change the way of life they had been accustomed to. These individuals were seeking a way to renew their identity. Generally, they came from the poorest social classes. In addition, the Catholic Church has always suffered from a shortage of priestly and monastic vocations. In the Amazon region, there were situations where a single priest had to serve a parish of over 70,000 faithful. Due to the shortage of priests, it was not always possible to administer the sacraments, and many Sunday services were held without a priest. Protestant communities explain the departure of the faithful from the Catholic Church as a consequence of its hierarchical structure and authoritarian message, which no longer fit with contemporary realities, as well as its disregard for other religious communities. Pentecostals claim to restore the Gospel's original meaning, likening their movement to a biblical "latter rain". == Catholic Church responses ==

The Latin American Catholic Church often diverged from the Vatican. In the late 20th century, many clergy supported liberation theology, criticized by the Vatican. Nicaraguan priests joined the Sandinista government, and in Haiti and Paraguay, priests became presidents, against Vatican wishes. John Paul II's first pilgrimage on 25 January 1979 targeted Central America for evangelization. Mass conversions to Protestantism, especially Pentecostalism, shifted it to a "continent of concern". Vocations rose from 8,520 in 1978 to 22,241 in 2003 under John Paul II. Latin American Pentecostals resist ecumenical dialogue with Catholics, rejecting John Paul II's proposals. Tensions sometimes turned violent, as on 15 October 1995 when a Universal Church pastor kicked a Our Lady of Aparecida statue on television, prompting vandalism of Universal Church temples. Francis is the first pope from Latin America. His first apostolic journey took place in Brazil. == Evaluations and criticism ==

, Xalapa, Veracruz In the early 1980s, Archbishop Antonio Quarracino stated that free churches had attacked "like a phalanx on our societies, with fanaticism typical of every sect, with dollars and abundant financial resources, with proselytism of the worst kind, which we thought had already lost its reason for existence". He also stated that, unlike Protestantism, Pentecostalism is a religion of oral tradition. Critics accused Pentecostalism of isolating itself from society. as evidenced by Brazilian Pentecostalism, which draws from Afro-Brazilian practices and popular Catholicism. Doctrine plays a small role because Pentecostalism relies more on religious experience than on doctrine. Pentecostalism is not only a religion of the poor, but also the language of the poor. Corten believes that Pentecostal "liberation" is better received in Latin America than liberation theology. Liberation theology used expert language, while Pentecostalism speaks the simple language of the masses. Corten accused Pentecostals of opportunism, supporting dictators like Efraín Ríos Montt, Alberto Fujimori, and Augusto Pinochet. David Martin on 15 June 1990 likened Pentecostalism's role to Methodism in the Anglo-Saxon world. On 10 March 2002, he saw a shift from Latin-European Catholicism to Anglo-Saxon Protestantism. Sociologist Brian Wilson classified Pentecostalism as a conversionist sect, prioritizing evangelization. Catholic liberation theology rarely addressed Pentecostalism, often labeling it fundamentalist sects uninterested in fighting poverty. F.C. Rolim on 20 April 1991 argued Brazilian Pentecostalism's apolitical stance supported social inequality. C. Boff praised Pentecostal ethics and political potential. Protestant liberation theologians criticized Pentecostalism's eschatology for ignoring social history, accusing it of offering empty promises to desperate believers. == References ==