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Labour left

In British politics, the Labour left is the left-wing faction of the Labour Party. Alongside the Labour right, it is one of the two main wings of the Labour Party. It is also one of its four main factions alongside the soft left, the old Labour right, and the New Labour right. In the British parliament, it is represented by the Socialist Campaign Group of Labour members of Parliament (MPs).

History
Background and early years: 1918–1939 The Labour Party is a political party in the United Kingdom that is typically placed on the centre-left of the political spectrum. It has been characterised as a broad church with a wide range of competing political factions, parliamentary groups, and ideologies. The party has been ideologically divided across its history, leading to the formation of two main rivalling left and right factions within the party. The Labour left is the more left-wing faction of the Labour Party while the Labour right, closer to the political centre, is the more right-wing faction of the Labour Party. Nonetheless, ideological divisions formed over the meaning of socialism and the purpose of the Labour Party. Fearing that the Labour leadership was moving away from the party's constitutional commitment to socialism as outlined in Clause IV, the Labour left called for a total overhaul of the British economy, intending to defend the party's socialist principles against the leadership's more pragmatic tendencies. This parliamentary position would have made radical moves near impossible. In the event, the Labour government would take a gradualist approach to socialism; MacDonald rejected calls from the Labour left to govern according to the party's socialist constitution and policy programme, arguing that the party had to prove itself fit to govern. Instead, his government chose to play down or ignore Labour policies such as nationalisation, the capital levy, and public work programmes to alleviate unemployment as a result of its parliamentary position. During the MacDonald government, the Labour leadership's goal was not to end capitalism but to improve its conditions through social reform and wealth redistribution. Thus, Labour was committed to a moderate and competent style of governance, which allowed it to replace the Liberal Party as the main opposition party outside government. Most of the Labour membership supported this gradualist approach; there were socialists within the Independent Labour Party (ILP) who called for militancy instead. The ILP was an affiliated socialist society of the Labour Party that served as its members' section until the adoption of the 1918 Labour constitution, which resulted in the creation of a system of constituency Labour parties (CLPs) with individual Labour membership. Ideologically socialist, it was the main forum for left-wing politics within the Labour Party. John Wheatley, the minister responsible for the Act, was a member of the Labour left. In his role as Minister of Health, he was able to implement this radical Housing Act, which intended to expand council housing and address high rental prices and over-crowding. Although MacDonald's Labour government had dropped Labour's socialist agenda and governed on a largely moderate policy programme, the Liberal Party withdrew its support of the government only nine months after its formation, leading to the Labour government's collapse after a 1924 vote of no confidence against the government of Ramsay MacDonald. Socialism in Our Time and ''Lansbury's Labour Weekly'' , chairman of the ILP from 1925 In the months that followed the collapse of the MacDonald government collapse, Labour shifted to the left. By the spring of 1925, amid internal discontent with MacDonald's Labour leadership, some members of the Labour Party had started to form left-wing groups in their CLPs, taking inspiration from the Birmingham Left-Wing Labour Group formed in November 1924 by Joseph Southall, a member of the ILP. Also in 1925, Clifford Allen, the moderate chairman of the ILP, was ousted by the Labour left and replaced by the militant James Maxton. It authorised six policy commissions in 1925 to "develop a programme for the abolition of poverty within the broader context of an advance towards socialism". These commissions were chaired by J. A. Hobson. By 1926, the ILP had started to develop its own political platform, beginning with a proposal for a new living wage. the creation of a statutory minimum wage, the nationalisation of banks, transport, utilities and inefficient industries, and the introduction of family allowances and workers' control. These policies were based on Hobson's theories of imperialism and underconsumptionism, which became a doctrine of the Labour left and the ILP during the interwar period. The Labour leadership was hostile to the ILP's proposals as it was worried that the ILP wanted to implement them in a similar way advocated by Marxists. While the Labour leadership remained committed to a gradualist and peaceful transition to socialism through parliamentary politics, and wanted a simple outline of the party's goals, the ILP wanted a short and specific policy programme that would result in the enactment of Socialism in Our Time and full socialism itself. Ultimately, the ILP lost several policy votes at the conference and Labour and the Nation became a simple outline of the party's goals. Subsequently, MacDonald was responsible for the party's platform for the 1929 general election, which made little reference to socialism and no reference to Socialism in Our Time. This newspaper acted as a mouthpiece for Lansbury's personal creed of socialism, democracy, and pacifism. This caucus met regularly, sponsoring joint amendments on the Order Paper and campaigning for support in the Labour Party using the ILP's large individual membership. Between 1925 and 1927, ''Lansbury's Labour Weekly'' also formed the basis of George Lansbury's Socialist Club, which took a vital role in debates on the left about Labour's future strategy and policy platform. The Labour leadership did not support the strike, fearing that the revolutionary elements within the union movement would damage Labour's reputation as a party of government and all the work it had done to prove itself fit to govern through gradualist politics. The Labour left responded to this by arguing that a gradualist approach would never achieve its goal, and that gradualism did little to help the workers who needed relief from their suffering and an improved society immediately. ''Lansbury's Labour Weekly'' supported the general strike, In July 1927, ''Lansbury's Labour Weekly'' was merged into the ILP's New Leader newspaper, which the ILP used to promote its political ideology within the Labour movement. The 1929 United Kingdom general election returned 287 Labour MPs and Labour formed another minority government dependent on Liberal Party support. Lansbury was appointed as the first commissioner of works, an insignificant role with little economic resources available, where it was believed he could not harm the government's moderate reputation. The political crisis in 1931 proved significant for not just the country but also the wider labour movement and the Labour left. With the fall of MacDonald's second Labour government and MacDonald's formation of the National Government during the crisis, gradualism in the Labour Party fell into uncertainty, with MacDonald expelled from the Labour Party and decried as "a traitor" after years of idolisation. Nonetheless, the Labour left believed that the year's events were a fair punishment for the Labour Party's mistakes, with Lansbury stating to "honestly believe the movement is going to be purer and stronger for the very heavy defeat we have sustained." It had also openly disregarded party discipline under the second Labour government; a group of ILP Labour MPs known as the Clydesiders during James Maxton's leadership of the ILP criticised the Labour leadership of MacDonald and often disregarded the standing orders of the PLP. These standing orders disallowed Labour MPs from voting against party policy; however, the ILP wanted the ability to instruct its MPs to vote for ILP policy. It was founded by members of the ILP who wanted to remain affiliated to the Labour Party and it was considered to be the ILP's successor in the party. World War II and the post-war Labour government: 1939–1951 During World War II, the British Labour Party entered a national coalition government under Prime Minister Winston Churchill, with key Labour figures such as Clement Attlee serving in senior roles, including as deputy prime minister. The war years were a crucial period for the British left: they shaped attitudes toward national unity, economic planning, and post-war reconstruction, and they also marked internal debates about socialism, the role of the Communist Party, and the future direction of Labour politics. Within this wartime context, socialist and left-wing ideas continued to circulate. Some on the Labour left and in affiliated groups opposed the war on ethical grounds, as with sections of the Independent Labour Party which contested elections despite the wartime truce. After the war, Labour's landslide victory in the 1945 general election brought the party into government with a large majority, giving left-influenced leaders an opportunity to implement a sweeping social reform agenda. Under Clement Attlee as prime minister, the government pursued policies rooted in the party's 1945 manifesto Let Us Face the Future, including extensive nationalization of key industries (such as coal, gas, electricity, railways and, initially, iron and steel), ambitious economic planning, and the creation of a comprehensive welfare state centered on the National Health Service and expanded social insurance. The post-war period also saw continuing ideological currents on Labour's left: figures such as Aneurin Bevan championed more radical social reforms, while internal debates grew over foreign policy (especially amid emerging Cold War tensions) and the extent of state intervention in the economy. Labour remained in office until 1951, when it lost to the Conservatives. The achievements of 1945-1951, and the role of left-wing ideas with them, were influential in shaping British social policy and the post-war political consensus, even as internal tensions between different currents of Socialism persisted. Bevanism and the Bevanite old left: 1940s–1970s Emergence and marginalisation of the Bennite new left: 1979–1994 New Labour years: 1994–2015 Re-emergence under the Corbynite left: 2015–2020 Recent developments: 2020–present Following the resignation of Jeremy Corbyn, Keir Starmer was elected as leader in the 2020 Labour Party leadership election (UK). While Labour managed to win a landslide majority in the subsequent 2024 United Kingdom general election, Starmer's position and shift towards a more centrist position has resulted in many MPs in the left faction of the party to grow dissatisfied . With some MPs in talks with Green Party of England and Wales over possible Floor-crossing concerned the decrease in popularity of Labour in their constituencies. == Politicians from the Labour left ==
Politicians from the Labour left
The Labour left is usually taken to include former Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn and his allies. John McDonnell, Clive Lewis, Richard Burgon, Dan Carden, Lloyd Russell-Moyle, Nadia Whittome, and Zarah Sultana, among others. Outside Parliament, politicians from the Labour left include the former First Minister of Wales, Mark Drakeford; the mayor of the North of Tyne, Jamie Driscoll; and the honorary president of the Socialist Campaign Group and former Labour MP Dennis Skinner. == Notes ==
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