The act has received many critiques about what people are protected, and what is protected by the clause. Some critics say that the act protects employees in a way that is too focused on biology, and does not protect the social aspects of motherhood. That is, while employees would be protected by the PDA for missing work due to her pregnancy, they would not be protected if they had to miss work to care for their sick child. Other critiques include the argument that the act does not take into consideration the social, cultural, and financial effects of having the capacity to become pregnant, even if one is not currently pregnant. This means that women are discriminated against in the workplace due to the fact that they could become pregnant, causing them to be given lower wages, fewer promotions, and less authority in the workplace. Critics note that because the PDA protects against discrimination "on the basis of pregnancy" that wage differences, lack of advancement, hiring, firing and other discriminatory acts towards women are due to their childbearing capacity, and should be protected by the PDA. They argue that because pregnancy is considered a disability, asking for more disability leave for a pregnancy or complications after a pregnancy could extend the time considered equal to what non-pregnant individuals would take for disability leave, and put them in a position which would allow termination. These critics argue that special treatment in terms of benefits for an entire group would not be as beneficial as equal treatment. Since Liberal Feminists take an individualistic approach to feminist theory, focusing on women gaining and keeping equality through their own actions and choices, this critique does apply to many Liberal Feminists. However, another group of Liberal Feminists argue that this approach is too concerned with policy and not concerned enough with results for women, noting that this theory would not actually help pregnant workers at all, and perhaps put them more at risk for termination. They argue that the PDA classifying pregnancy as a disability is too reflective of a phallocentric view of pregnancy, as it refuses to treat pregnancy with its own model and forces it into the same system that men use when "disabled" even though they cannot experience this. They would argue that a body with the potential to become pregnant does not only have a chance of experiencing pregnancy, but also the unique conditions and complications that may come along with it, and that forcing pregnancy into the guidelines of disability can not fully provide pregnant workers with the protections they need. Many feminists of all backgrounds argue that all of these issues could be avoided if the constitution were to include the
Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). The ERA "was a
proposed amendment to the
United States Constitution designed to guarantee
equal rights for women." It is argued that if the ERA were in place, men and women would have equal rights to work and family simultaneously, as sex equality would be a constitutional right without loopholes. Seeing as Constitutional Amendments and Acts currently do not fully protect workers from pregnancy discrimination, even those that are meant to give equal protections, such as Title XIV and Title VII, many believe the ERA would give protections to pregnant workers more easily. If the ERA were constituted in addition to the PDA, this would allow even more protections under the constitution for pregnant peoples. However, since the proposed amendment constrains only the actions of government and not private employers, how the amendment would bring about such a change remains to be seen. == See also ==