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Proto-Athabaskan language

Proto-Athabaskan is the reconstructed ancestor of the Athabaskan languages.

History
Tonology The Athabaskan languages are well-known among North American Indigenous languages for having many tonal members; however, several languages, including all of the Pacific Coast Athabaskan languages, lack tone. The correspondences between Athabaskan tone systems and their implications for Proto-Athabaskan have been the subject of linguistic inquiry for the past century. The early work on Athabaskan languages ignored the existence of phonemic tone. Father Adrien-Gabriel Morice was the first linguist to describe tone for an Athabaskan language, specifically for Carrier, in 1891. Edward Sapir's first fieldwork on Athabaskan languages was with Chasta Costa and Kato, both Pacific Coast Athabaskan languages that lack tone. He documented tone in Tlingit, a Na-Dene language, in 1914 when working with Louis Shotridge. He then encountered tone in Tsuut'ina (Sarcee) and Gwich'in and thus concluded that Proto-Athabaskan must be reconstructed as a tonal language with two tones: low tone and unmarked (high) tone. However, Sapir's student, Li Fang-Kuei, came across apparently contradictory findings in Chipewyan. He discovered that Chipewyan's high tone corresponded to Sapir's reconstructed Proto-Athabaskan low tone. In 1964, Michael E. Krauss published a paper advancing this hypothesis This theory has been elaborated further by Krauss, Jeff Leer, and John Kingston, and has served as a model for further synchronic studies of tone in Athabaskan languages by authors such as Keren Rice, Gary Holton, and Siri Tuttle. Furthermore, Krauss indicated in 1979 that Jeff Leer's discovery of the toneless Tongass dialect of Tlingit, a Na-Dene language, "strongly suggests that earlier Tlingit was also toneless" like Eyak and Proto-Athabaskan. ==Origins==
Origins
There have been varying proposals as to when Proto-Athabaskan was spoken, when it diverged from Eyak, and when it diverged into its daughter languages. Most proposed datings are low compared to other proto-languages due to the relatively little internal diversity within Athabaskan. Swadesh, Kroeber, Hojier, and Hymes have used glottochronology to estimate dates of divergence within Athabaskan, presenting dates ranging from between 1300 and 1800 years before the present. Krauss has proposed that Proto-Athabaskan was spoken between 2000 and 2500 years ago, while he posits that Proto-Athabaskan and Proto-Eyak diverged around 3400 years ago. He has thus argued that Eyak separated from Athabaskan no earlier than 8000 years ago, while Proto-Athabaskan continued to be spoken until about 3000 years ago. Archaeologically, Proto-Athabaskan–Eyak speakers have been linked with the Northwest Microblade tradition of 4000 B.C. that occupied large areas of Alaska and northwestern Canada, although Krauss and Golla have called this association "highly speculative". Proto-Athabaskan was likely spoken in the interior of what is now eastern Alaska, the Yukon, and parts of British Columbia. This is indicated by the greater degree of linguistic differentiation among the Athabaskan languages now spoken in these same areas. There is little apparent Eskaleut influence on Athabaskan languages except for in Deg Xinag and Dena'ina, which are adjacent to Yup'ik territory, which also suggests a non-western origin for the language family. Furthermore, of the Northern Athabaskan languages, only Dena'ina included coastal territory, which also indicates an interior origin. Proto-Athabaskan likely first expanded westward in Alaska and southward into the Interior Mountains of British Columbia. The Pacific Coast Athabaskan languages were likely a result of an early migration southward from British Columbia, while eastern Northern Athabaskan languages arrived at a later date to the Mackenzie River basin. By the time of European contact, the descendants of Proto-Athabaskan occupied a total area of approximately , the most of any Indigenous language family in North America. ==Phonology==
Phonology
The reconstruction of Proto-Athabaskan phonology is still under active debate. This section attempts to summarize the less controversial parts of the Proto-Athabaskan sound system. Notation Athabaskanists tend to use an Americanist phonetic notation system rather than IPA. Although some Athabaskanists prefer IPA symbols today, the Americanist symbols are still in common use for descriptions of Proto-Athabaskan and in comparisons between members of the family. In the tables in this section, the proto-phonemes are given in their conventional Athabaskanist forms with IPA equivalents following in square brackets. The symbols conventionally used to represent voiced stops and affricates (e.g. ) are actually used in the Athabaskan literature to represent unaspirated stops and affricates (i.e., ). This convention is also found in Athabaskan orthographies since true voiced stops and affricates are rare in the family, and unknown in the proto-language. Since Americanist phonetic notation is not formally standardized, there are sometimes both historic and modern symbols for the same sounds. In the following tables, the older symbols are given first with newer symbols following. Republication of older materials may preserve older symbols for accuracy, e.g. Krauss 2005, which was previously an unpublished manuscript dating from 1979. Consonants The traditional reconstruction of the Proto-Athabaskan sound system consists of 45 consonants, as detailed in the following table. First person singular fricative The fricative sound in the first person singular pronoun in Proto-Athabaskan has uncertain phonetic reconstruction, and is represented variously as or . In Athabaskan languages, it usually has a reflex of , but in Eyak it appears as and in Tlingit as . However, in Kwalhioqua-Tlatskanai, it seems to have been in at least some forms of the first person subject verb prefix. that there was no need to distinguish between and . Tone Athabaskan languages often share clear cognates that nonetheless appear to have opposite tones, as demonstrated below; the first three languages shown have low tone where the next three have high tone in the word for "head," while the opposite is true with the word for "fish." The last three languages lack tone entirely. Research has concluded that Proto-Athabaskan had a system of glottal modifications on the vowel instead of tone, much like those that existed in Eyak and in the Tongass dialect of Tlingit. The oppositions in tonal distribution are explained as an ahistorical division in Athabaskan languages whereby most languages became either "high-marked" or "low-marked" for tone. Thus, a syllable's tone in an Athabaskan language depends on the type of markedness it demonstrates and the Proto-Athabaskan reconstruction of the morpheme. Many Athabaskan languages show properties of both marked states. However, in general, high-marked languages have high tone where low-marked languages have low tone, and vice versa. The following table shows how the syllable codas of Proto-Athabaskan (PA) and the internal reconstruction of Pre-Proto-Athabaskan (PPA) correspond with those of the high-marked and low-marked languages. In the above table, the symbol v represents a monomoraic reduced vowel, the VV represents a bimoraic full vowel, and the V a monomoraic full vowel in a syllable nucleus whose second mora is '. The R represents a sonorant, the S a fricative, the T a stop or affricate, and the ' a glottalization of the preceding segment. Nearly all languages that developed tone have also lost syllable-final ejectivity, retaining only the glottalized sonorants and bare glottal stops in that position. However, syllable-initial ejective stops and affricates are generally retained. ==Morphology==
Morphology
Because obvious similarities in morphology are prevalent throughout all of the languages in the Athabaskan family, Proto-Athabaskan has an extensive reconstructed proto-morphology. Like all Athabaskan languages, it is morphologically complex. Verb template The actual verb template of Proto-Athabaskan has not been reconstructed yet, as noted by Edward Vajda. In fact, Krauss notes that one morpheme present across multiple languages, the distributive, cannot be reconstructed for Proto-Athabaskan. Keren Rice, in her book Morpheme order and semantic scope, presented a general template for the order of verb elements, taking into account cross-language diversity and divergence. Hoijer's proposal is missing several elements which were described in detail later, but Kibrik's is not terribly different from Rice's. Kibrik only gives the zones rather than individual positions where the distinction matters. In addition, Kibrik did not give the domains and boundaries which have been added here for comparison. A major distinction between the Kibrik and Rice versions is in the terminology, with Kibrik's "Standard Average Athabaskan" maintaining much of the traditional Athabaskanist terminology – still widely used – but Rice changing in favor of aspectual descriptions found in wider semantic and typological literature. The terminology in comparison: • Rice "viewpoint aspect" = conventional "mode" • Position: a point or slot the verb template which hosts some number of morphemes which never cooccur. Some affixes may occur in multiple positions which are usually adjacent, but most morphemes are found in a single position. Kari gives the Ahtna mode prefix and the qualifier as examples of multipositional morphemes. • Floating position: a position which seems to move around depending on the appearance or lack of other morphemes in the verb. Kari cites the Ahtna third person plural subject pronominal as occurring in three different locations "under highly constrained conditions". technically makes the classifier a zone, but it is monomorphemic and often treated like a single position in the analysis of documented languages. Tlingit has a classifier approaching a zone although it is morphologically a single unit, and Eyak has a true classifier zone with two phonologically separate prefixes. • Domain: an area of zones and positions which is grouped together as a phonological unit. • Stem domain: a domain including the verb root and suffixes, and usually including the classifier. • Conjunct domain: a domain spanning from the classifier (may or may not be included) leftward to the object prefixes. • Disjunct domain: a domain spanning from the incorporated nouns to the preverbs, and not including any bound phrases that are considered to be word-external. • Boundary: a morphological division between zones or domains. Each boundary has an associated conventional symbol. Not all researchers describe all the boundaries for every language, and it is not clear that there is total agreement on the existence of all boundaries. • Disjunct boundary (#): the boundary between the disjunct and conjunct domains. Found in most Athabaskan descriptions. • Qualifier-pronominal boundary (=/%): the boundary between the qualifiers and the outer pronominals (3 subjects, objects, etc.). Kari proposed using = but since that symbol is often used for clitics, many authors The classifier is found in no other language family, although may be present in the Yeniseian family per Vajda. It is an obligatory prefix such that verbs do not exist without the classifier. Its function varies little from language to language, serving as an indicator of voice and valence for the verb. Terminology The name "classifier" implies a classificatory function that is not obvious. Franz Boas first described a classifier for Tlingit, saying "it is fairly clear that the primary function of these elements is a classificatory one", a not inaccurate statement given that it does enter into the classificatory verb system. Previously Edward Sapir had noted it in his seminal essay on the Na-Dene family, calling it a "'third modal element'". He described it as indicating "such notions as transitive, intransitive, and passive" (id.), thus having voice and valency related functions. Once it was realized that the Tlingit and Athabaskan morphemes were functionally similar, Boas's name for the Tlingit form was extended to the Athabaskan family. However, the classifier has only some vestiges of a classificatory function in most Athabaskan languages, so in this family the name is unsuited. Because of the confusion that occurs from the use of the term "classifier", there have been a number of proposals for replacement terms. Andrej Kibrik has used the term "transitivity indicator" with the gloss abbreviation TI, Keren Rice has used "voice/valence prefix" abbreviated V/V, and for Tlingit, Constance Naish and Gillian Story used "extensor". None of these alternatives has gained acceptance in the Athabaskan community, and Jeff Leer describes this situation: Reconstruction Jeff Leer offers an early reconstruction of the Proto-Athabaskan classifier. This surfaces as an additional "I-component", which was represented in Proto-Athabaskan as the presence or absence of a palatal nasal. ==See also==
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