Early Radicals The
Radical movement arose in the late 18th century to support parliamentary reform, with additional aims including lower taxes and the abolition of
sinecures.
John Wilkes's reformist efforts in the 1760s, as editor of
The North Briton and as an MP, were seen as radical at the time, but support dropped away after the
Massacre of St George's Fields in 1768. Working class and middle class "Popular Radicals" agitated to demand the right to vote and assert other rights, including freedom of the press and relief from economic distress, while "
Philosophic Radicals" strongly supported parliamentary reform, but were generally hostile to the arguments and tactics of the Popular Radicals. However, the term "Radical" itself, as opposed to "reformer" or "Radical Reformer", only emerged in 1819 during the upsurge of protest following the successful conclusion of the Napoleonic War.
Henry "Orator" Hunt was the main speaker at the Manchester meeting in 1819 that ended in the
Peterloo Massacre; Hunt was elected MP for the
Preston division in 1830–1832. The "root and branch" of the reforms which the adjective radical suggests, and at the time still strongly in concept denoted by reference to all its previous main uses, is the English constitution, which is not codified or restricted to particular customs, laws or documents.
Radicals and the Great Reform Act Radicals inside and outside Parliament were divided over the merits of the Whig
Reform Act 1832. Some continued to press for the ballot and universal suffrage, but the majority (as mobilised in unions like the
Birmingham Political Union) saw abolition of the
rotten boroughs as a major step towards the destruction of what they called "Old Corruption" or "The Thing": "In consequence of the boroughs, all our institutions are partial, oppressive, and aristocratic. We have an aristocratic church, an aristocratic bar, an aristocratic
game-code, aristocratic taxation....all is privilege". The 1832 parliament elected on the new franchise – which raised the percentage of the adult population eligible to vote from some 3% to 6% – contained some 50 or 60 Radicals. This number shortly doubled in the 1835 election, leading many to envisage a House of Commons eventually divided between Radicals on the one side and conservatives (Tories and Whigs) on the other. In fact, the Radicals failed either to take over an existing party, or to create a new, third force and there were three main reasons. The first was the continuing strength of Whig electoral power in the half-century following the Reform Act 1832. The latter had expressly been designed to preserve Whig landlord influence in the counties and the remaining small borough – one reason a radical like
Henry Hetherington condemned the bill as "an invitation to the shopocrats of the enfranchised towns to join the Whiggocrats of the country". Whigs were also able to profit in two-member constituencies from electoral pacts made with a more reforming candidate. Secondly, there was the widening body of reforming opinion inside (and outside) Parliament concerned with other, unrelated causes, including international liberalism, anti-slavery, educational and pro-temperance reforms, admissibility of non-Anglicans ("nonconformists") to positions of power. The latter expanded later to
disestablishmentarianism which replaced the old local government units of the simple parish unit vestry by the mid-nineteenth century, devising instead civil (non-religious) parishes for almost all areas. Thirdly, the Radicals were always more a body of opinion than a structured force. They lacked any party organisation, formal leadership, or unified ideology. Instead, humanitarian Radicals opposed philosophic Radicals over the
Factory Acts; political Radicals seeking a slimmed-down executive opposed
Benthamite interventionists; universal suffrage men competed for time and resources with free traders – the Manchester men. By 1859, the Radicals had come together with the Whigs and the anti-protectionist
Tory Peelites to form the
Liberal Party, though with the New Radicalism of figures like
Joseph Chamberlain they continued to have a distinctive political influence into the closing years of the nineteenth century.
Continuing agitation and reform Following the
Reform Act 1832, popular demand for wider suffrage was taken up by the mainly
working-class movement
Chartism. Meanwhile, Radical leaders like
Richard Cobden and
John Bright in the middle class
Anti-Corn Law League emerged to oppose the existing duties on imported grain which helped farmers and landowners by raising the price of food, but which harmed consumers and manufacturers. After the success of the League on the one hand and the failure of Chartist mass demonstrations and petitions in 1848 to sway Parliament on the other, demand for suffrage and parliamentary reform slowly re-emerged through the parliamentary radicals. By 1866, with agitation from
John Bright and the
Reform League, the Liberal Prime Minister
Earl Russell introduced a modest bill which was defeated by both Tories and reform Liberals, forcing the government to resign. A
Conservative minority government led by the
Earl of Derby and
Benjamin Disraeli took office and introduced the
Reform Act 1867 – which almost doubled the electorate, giving many working men the vote – in a somewhat opportunistic party fashion. Further Radical pressure led to the
Ballot Act 1872 and the
Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883, followed by the
Representation of the People Act 1884. Progressive liberals like
John Morley and
Joseph Chamberlain continued to value radicalism as a unifying bridge between the classes, and a common goal. However, in 1886 Chamberlain helped form the breakaway
Liberal Unionist Party that mostly supported Conservative governments. The long career of
David Lloyd George saw him moving from radical views in the 1890s to becoming prime minister in a postwar coalition with the Conservatives in 1918. From 1900 and the rise of the Labour Party and the gradual achievement of the majority of the original Radical goals, Parliamentary Radicalism ceased to function as a political force in the early twentieth century.
Disappearance as a political party Radicals were absorbed by the Liberal Party by 1859, but did show their presence as a faction of the Liberal Party. == Literary echoes ==