The
Roman law defined property as "the right to use and abuse one's own within the limits of the law" —
jus utendi et abutendi re suâ, guatenus juris ratio patitur. Second,
salus populi suprema lex esto, or "the safety of the people shall be the supreme law," was stipulated as early as the Law of the
Twelve Tables. The notion of private property and property rights was elaborated further in the
Renaissance as
international trade by
merchants gave rise to
mercantilist ideas. In 16th-century Europe,
Lutheranism and the
Protestant Reformation advanced property rights using biblical terminology. The
Protestant work ethic and views on man's destiny came to underline social views in emerging capitalist economies in
early modern Europe. The right to private property emerged as a radical demand for
human rights vis-a-vis the state in 17th-century revolutionary Europe, but in the 18th and 19th centuries the right to property as a human right became subject of intense controversy.
English Civil War The arguments advanced by the
Levellers during the
English Civil War on
property and
civil and political rights, such as the
right to vote, informed subsequent debates in other countries. The Levellers emerged as a political movement in mid-17th century England in the aftermath of the Protestant Reformation. They believed that property which had been earned as the fruit of one's labour was sacred under the Bible's
commandment "thou shall not steal". As such, they believed that the right to acquire property from one's work was sacred. Levellers' views on the right to property and the right not to be deprived of property as a civil and political right were developed by the
pamphleteer Richard Overton. In "An Arrow against all Tyrants" (1646), Overton argued: To every individual in nature is given an individual property by nature not to be invaded or usurped by any. For everyone, as he is himself, so he has a self propertiety, else he could not be himself; and of this no second may presume to deprive of without manifest violation and affront to the very principles of nature of the rules of equity and justice between man and man. Mine and thine cannot be, except this. No man has power over my rights and liberties, and I over no man. The views of the Levellers, who enjoyed support amongst small-scale property-owners and craftsmen, were not shared by all revolutionary parties of the English Civil War. At the 1647 General Council,
Oliver Cromwell and
Henry Ireton argued against equating the
right to life with the right to property. They argued that doing so would establish the right to take anything that one may want, irrespective of the rights of others. The Leveller
Thomas Rainsborough responded, relying on Overton's arguments, that the Levellers required respect for others'
natural rights. The definition of property and whether it was acquired as the fruit of one's labour and as such a natural right was subject to intense debate because the right to vote depended on property ownership. Political freedom was at the time associated with property ownership and individual independence. Cromwell and Ireton maintained that only property in
freehold land or
chartered trading rights gave a man the right to vote. They argued that this type of property ownership constituted a "stake in society", which entitles men to political power. In contrast, Levellers argued that all men who are not servants, alms-recipients or beggars should be considered as property owners and be given voting rights. They believed that political freedom could only be secured by individuals, such as craftsmen, engaging in independent economic activity. Levellers were primarily concerned with the civil and political rights of small-scale property owners and workers, whereas the
Diggers, a smaller revolutionary group led by
Gerrard Winstanley, focused on the rights of the rural poor who worked on
landed property. The Diggers argued that private property was not consistent with justice and that the land that had been confiscated from the Crown and Church should be turned into communal land to be cultivated by the poor. According to the Diggers, the right to vote should be extended to all and everybody had the
right to an adequate standard of living. With the
Restoration of the English monarchy in 1660, all confiscated land returned to the Crown and Church. Some property rights were recognised and limited voting rights were established. The ideas of the Levellers on property and civil and political rights remained influential and were advanced in the subsequent 1688
Glorious Revolution,
John Locke and the American and French revolutions 's 1689
Two Treatises of Government in which Locke calls "lives, liberties and estates" the "property" of individuals The English philosopher
John Locke (1632–1704) developed the ideas of property, civil and political rights further. In his
Second Treatise on Civil Government (1689), Locke proclaimed that "everyman has a property in his person; this nobody has a right to but himself. The labor of his body and the work of his hand, we may say, are properly his". He argued that property ownership derives from one's labor, though those who do not own property and only have their labor to sell should not be given the same political power as those who owned property. Labourers, small-scale property owners and large-scale property owners should have civil and political rights in proportion to the property they owned. According to Locke, the right to property and the right to life were inalienable rights and that it was the duty of the state to secure these rights for individuals. Locke argued that the safeguarding of natural rights, such as the right to property, along with the separation of powers and other checks and balances, would help to curtail political abuses by the state. Locke's
labor theory of property and the separation of powers greatly influenced the
American Revolution and the
French Revolution. The entitlement to civil and political rights, such as the right to vote, was tied to the question of property in both revolutions. American revolutionaries, such as
Benjamin Franklin and
Thomas Jefferson, opposed universal suffrage, advocating votes only for those who owned a "stake" in society.
James Madison argued that extending the right to vote to all could lead in the right to property and justice being "overruled by a majority without property". While it was initially suggested to establish the right to vote for all men, eventually the right to vote in the nascent United States was extended to white men who owned a specified amount of real estate and personal property. French revolutionaries recognised property rights in Article 17 of the
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1791), which stated that no one "may be deprived of property rights unless a legally established public necessity required it and upon condition of a just and previous indemnity". Articles 3 and 6 declared that "all citizens have the right to contribute personally or through their representatives" in the political system and that "all citizens being equal before [the law], are equally admissible to all public offices, positions and employment according to their capacity, and without other distinction than that of virtues and talents". However, in practice the French revolutionaries did not extend civil and political rights to all, although the property qualification required for such rights was lower than that established by the American revolutionaries. According to the French revolutionary
Abbé Sieyès, "all the inhabitants of a country should enjoy the right of a passive citizen... but those alone who contribute to the public establishment are like the true shareholders in the great social enterprise. They alone are the true active citizens, the true members of the association". Three months after the Declaration had been adopted,
domestic servants, women and those who did not pay taxes equal to three days of labor were declared "passive citizens". Sieyes wanted to see the rapid expansion of commercial activities and favoured the unrestricted accumulation of property. In contrast,
Maximilien Robespierre warned that the free accumulation of wealth ought to be limited and that the right to property should not be permitted to violate the rights of others, particularly poorer citizens, including the working poor and peasants. Robespierre's views were eventually excluded from the
French Constitution of 1793 and a property qualification for civil and political rights was maintained. ==See also==