The origins of Italian theatre are a source of debate among scholars, as they are not yet clear and traceable with certain sources. Since the end of the
theatre of ancient Rome, which partly coincided with the
fall of the Western Roman Empire, mimes and comedies were still performed. Alongside this pagan form of representation, mostly performed by tropes and wandering actors of which there are no direct written sources, the theatre was reborn, in medieval times, from religious functions and from the dramatization of some tropes of which the most famous and ancient is the short
Quem quaeritis? from the 10th century, still in
Latin. It can therefore be assumed that there were two main lines on which the ancient Italian theatre developed. The first, consisting of the dramatization of Catholic liturgies and of which more documentation is retained, and the second, formed by pagan forms of spectacle such as the staging for city festivals, the court preparations of the jesters and the songs of the
troubadours.
Medieval theatre The theatre historian therefore based his research method, in the field of the origins of Italian theatre, not only on the actual study of his own subject but also combining it with
ethnological and
anthropological study as well as that of religious studies in a broad sense. in a fresco by
Paolo Uccello in the
cathedral of Prato The Catholic Church, which found in the dramatization of the liturgies a more than favorable welcome from the masses, as demonstrated by the development of theatrical practice on major holidays, paradoxically had a contradictory behavior towards them: if on the one hand it allowed and encouraged their diffusion, however he always deprecated its practice, because it was misleading from the principles of Catholicism. The pagan spectacles suffered the same fate, where the judgments and measures taken by the religious were much harsher: still in 1215, a Constitution of the
Lateran Council forbade clerics (among other things) to have contact with histrions and jugglers. The strong contrast of religious authority to theatrical practice decreed a series of circumstances that differentiate medieval theatre (which still cannot be defined as "Italian" in the strict sense) from that known from Humanism onwards, much closer to the modern concept of theatrical representation. For over ten centuries there was never the construction of a
theatrical building, unlike what happened in ancient Greece and imperial Rome. Despite the numerous restrictions, the vernacular dramaturgy develops due to the
trouvères and jesters, who sing, lute in hand, the most disparate topics: from love driven towards women to mockery towards the powerful. There is evidence in the
Laurentian Rhythm of 1157 and in other more or less contemporary rhythms such as the
Rhythm of Sant'Alessio, of the dramatization in verse by anonymous people in the vernacular, although the metric is still indebted to the Latin versification. More famous is the XIII century
Rosa fresca aulentissima, by
Cielo d'Alcamo, a real jester mime destined for stage representation, which does not spare double entenders and overly licentious jokes towards the fair sex in verses. Even more articulated were the texts of
Ruggieri Apuliese, a jester of the 13th century of which there is little or no news, mostly discordant, but in which a sardonic ability can be traced to parody and dramatize the events, enclosed in his
gab and
serventesi. During the 13th century, however, the jester prose in the vernacular suffered a setback due to the marginalization of the events to which it was linked: representations in Curta, street performances, and more of which the chronicle does not remember.
Medieval religious theatre The lauda dramatica flourished in the same period, which later evolved into the
sacred representation: the
lauda, derived from the popular ballad, was made up of
stanzas represented first in verse, then in the form of dialogue. An example of transformation into a dialogic drama is a result of
Donna de Paradiso by
Jacopone da Todi, where the dialogue between
John the Baptist, the
Mary and
Jesus is articulated on a religious topic: in it there is a fine linguistic and lexical intervention (the subdued language of the Mary and Christ compared to that of the John the Baptist) and a skilful capacity for dramatizing the event. It should be emphasized that this type of religious theatricality did not properly spread within the Church, but developed above all in Umbria following a serious plague that decimated the country, due to the
Flagellant, congregations of faithful used to self-flagellation, which by virtue of their religious acts they well combined the processions of repentance with accompaniment with dramatic
laudi. If they found representation in
Orvieto, as in other Umbrian centers (remember the famous
Corporal of Bolsena), another important epicenter of laude productions was
L'Aquila, where the articulation of the same was such as to require three days for a complete representation (as in the case of the anonymous
Leggenna de Sancto Tomascio). The Sacred representation, the last famous chapter of medieval religious theatre, developed from the fifteenth century in Tuscany and was fortunate also in the following centuries, although it will lose the characteristic of the main protagonist of the Italian theatre. As the laude was already performed in places outside the ecclesiastical building, and was recited both in Latin and in the vernacular. Unlike the lauds, the texts are not in small numbers and bear the signature of great names, not least that of
Lorenzo the Magnificent whose
La rappresentazione dei Santi Giovanni e Paolo denotes a certain richness of style and complexity of dramatic interweaving. Mario Apollonio recognizes a substantial difference, at a strictly theatrical level, between lauda and sacred representation: if the first is aimed at religious edification, the second does not hide the interest in the show or spectacle, from which a greater attention to the text—not for nothing drawn up by scholars—to the scenic artifice, to the scenographic contribution as an important support to the representation. It can therefore be admitted with certainty that, in different forms, theatrical practice remained alive and strongly connected to religious worship throughout the Italian territory: to a lesser extent, to collective events such as court parties and festivals.
Elegiac comedy A separate chapter with respect to religious representation consists of those productions in Latin verse known as
elegiac comedies (medieval Latin comedies). It is a set of
Medieval Latin texts, mainly composed of the metric form of the
elegiac couplet and characterized, almost always, by the alternation of
dialogues and narrated parts and by comic and licentious contents. The flowering of the genus is mainly inscribed within the European season of the so-called
rebirth of the 12th century and is affected by the ferment of that cultural climate that the philologist
Ludwig Traube called
Aetas Ovidiana. as a whole, it was a phenomenon that certainly cannot be affirmed as Italian: on the contrary, Italy was just touched by this phenomenon, in a later period, the thirteenth century: all Italian productions refer to the environment of the court and chancellery of
Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor (the singular
De Paulino et Polla by
Riccardo da Venosa, and the
De uxore cerdonis, attributed to
Jacopo da Benevento). However, their genuine theatrical nature is not clear: it is not known, for example, if they were mere rhetorical products or rather works intended for a real staging (in this case, acting with a single voice is considered more likely); not even one is able to appreciate the influence on the rise of medieval theatre in the vernacular, even if some comic elements have passed to the theatre. The small flowering of this genus enjoyed considerable success; its importance in literary history is noteworthy, due to its influence on subsequent authors in vulgar languages, in particular on medieval fabliaulistics and novellistics of which they anticipate themes and tones, and on humanistic comedy of the fifteenth century.
The scenography Throughout the Middle Ages no theatrical building was ever built, so that it is impossible to speak of theatrical architecture. Regarding the scenography, it can be completely placed on the level of sacred representations, since jesters and buffoons, troubadours and singers did not use support elements that could help the spectator in the figuration of the story narrated. The almost nil iconographic support that has survived makes a faithful reconstruction difficult, but the lists of the Brotherhood "stuff", which have come down to us, have been helpful, testifying to a wealth of furnishings not comparable to the modern conception of theatre but still of a certain thickness: the list of the
Perugian brotherhood of
Saint Dominic is very well known, where you can find shirts, gloves, cassocks, wigs and masks. The representations, which came out of the church in search of larger places of reception and where there was the possibility of using scenic artists certainly not welcome within consecrated walls, found a place in the churchyards first, in the squares and then even in the streets of the city, both in the form of a procession that does not. The pictorial support, which was necessary for a more complete recognition of the place represented and narrated, also became very important, although no names of artists who worked for their realization have come down to us. It must be borne in mind that there is no figure of set-up or set designer, so such works necessarily had to submit to the requests of the brotherhoods, and almost certainly carried out by untrained artists or of little fame given that the possible gain was little.
Humanism The age of
Humanism, between the 14th and 15th centuries, knows the genesis and the flowering of the so-called humanistic comedy, a phenomenon that can be considered entirely Italian. Like the elegiac comedies, these are texts in Latin, also of a licentious and paradoxical subject. Beyond the consonance of common themes (perhaps also due to their nature as literary
topoi), the relationship between the two genres is not clear: certainly, humanistic comedies are more effective in updating certain themes, with a transposition on a high floor, in order to show them in their
exemplary nature and use them as allusions to contemporary situations. Unlike the elegiac comedy, it is known with certainty that the humanistic comedies were intended for staging. The fruition took place in the same high-cultural and university-
goliardic environment in which they were produced. In fact, as has been stated, the "linguistic-expressive operation that was the basis of these comic works [...] could only be received and appreciated in high-level cultural contexts, but also sensitive to a comedy of a goliardic matrix : university circles thus represented the natural pool of readers and spectators of humanistic theatrical writings". The importance of the humanistic comedy lies in the fact that it marks the genesis of the "profane drama", the result not of a cultural process from below, but of an invention from above, carried out by a cultured and participating urban bourgeoisie, able to grasp and elaborate the ferments of an era of great transformation and renewal. Thus the foundations were laid for a process of liberation of the theatre from the religious forms of representation and from the
Catholic Church, an emancipation that would then be accomplished, definitively and in a short time, without friction or conflict with the papal curia, with the Italian-language comedies of the Renaissance theatre. ==Renaissance theatre==