Second Mutai

Prior to the second Mutai, there were two major ethnic groups that occupied the Rift Valley region. On the western highlands of the Rift were the Sirikwa communities. Many were reforming following Sirikwa societal collapse during the first Mutai. Occupying the eastern highlands were the Loikop communities. Their territory stretched north and west of Mount Kenya, and south to Naivasha across the Kaputei plains as far as and possibly past Kilimanjaro. The language now known as Maa was spoken by the Loikop society while that now known as Kalenjin was spoken by the Sirikwa society, both had multiple dialects. Many individuals, particularly on the borders, were multi-lingual in both languages. The individuals within both societies self-referenced as "People of the 'mouth'" – Pich-ap Kutit (Sirikwa/Kalenjin) and Enguduk Iloikop (Loikop). These societies shared a number of cultural aspects, most notably, similar learning systems designed to train young men into a fighting force known as moran/muren and later elders who would guide the community. They also shared similar rituals surrounding initiation as well as day to day cultural practices such as an affinity for bead-work. Each of these societies was composed of what can be understood as tribes which shared common ethnic cultural traits but also had distinct differences in cultural practices. Both societies practiced a pastoral lifestyle though there were communities such as the Chok section of the re-acculturating Pokot community, that relied on both the rain and elaborate irrigation canals to grow grains. The Loikop society had expanded their territories in the period leading up to the first Mutai. This expansion was followed by the development of three groupings within the Loikop society. The Sambur who occupied the 'original' country east of Lake Turkana as well as the Laikipia plateau. The Uasin Gishu occupied the grass plateaus of the Uasin Gishu and Mau while the Maasai territory extended from Naivasha to Kilimanjaro. This left them open to encroachment by other communities. By the early 1880s, Kamba, Kalenjin and Kikuyu raiders were making inroads into Maasai territory, and the Maasai were struggling to control their resources of cattle and grazing land. Just as the Iloikop wars ended and conflict with neighboring communities started, two instances of epizootics broke out among Loikop herds in quick succession. In 1883, bovine Pleuro-Pneumonia spread from the north and lingered for several years. The effect of this was to cause the Loikop to regroup and to go out raiding more aggressively to replenish their herds. This was followed by a far more serious outbreak of Rinderpest which occurred in 1891. The damage to the Loikop herds as a result of the two outbreaks was quite high, with mortality rates of 90% estimated. Compounding the wars and epizootic was the Aoyate drought, an acute meteorological drought that affected much of the Rift Valley region of Kenya at the end of the 18th century. Social climate Folklore of the present-day communities gives the image of a decadent period preceding the second Mutai- an analysis of popular Samburu legends indicated a general theme of pride and disrespect resulting in Nkai "finishing" all of the Samburu with the Mutai. ==Events==

Epizootics Two instances of epizootics are recorded to have broken out among Loikop herds in quick succession during the Mutai. In 1883, bovine Pleuro-Pneumonia spread from the north and lingered for several years. The effect of this was to cause the Loikop to regroup and to go out raiding more aggressively to replenish their herds. This was followed by a far more serious outbreak of Rinderpest which occurred in 1891. The damage to the Loikop herds as a result of the two outbreaks was quite high, with mortality rates of 90% estimated. ==Descriptions==

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Establishment of the Pokot The emerging Pokotozek crossed into the Kerio Valley leading to conflict with, and the defeat of the Loikop at Baringo. According to Pokot traditions, the victory came when "... there arose a wizard among the Suk who prepared a charm in the form of a stick, which he placed in the Loikop cattle kraals, with the result that they all died." After defeating the Loikop, a settlement was established at En-ginyang (about 48 kilometers north of Lake Baringo). This event signified the establishment of the pastoral Chok, i.e. Pokot, community. Assimilation of the Chok community As the emerging Pokot community established itself, a desire arose many Chok to adopt pastoralist culture. The aim and ambition of every agricultural Chok became to amass enough cattle to move into the Kerio Valley and join their pastoral kin. By the early 20th century, the Pokot community was expanding as many of the Chok joined their rank and by that time, many Pokot who were termed Suk by the colonial administrators did not recognize this name for their tribe. Acculturation of the Lumbwa Kimnyole's death led to a succession dispute between his two sons; Koitalel Arap Samoei and Kipchomber Arap Koilege. Factions formed around the two aspirants and minor skirmishes took place between their supporters but this did not extend to full-scale war. The dispute ended with the defeat of Kipchomber Arap Koilege in 1895, after which he fled to the Kipsigis with his supporters, becoming the first Kipsigis Orgoiyot. ==Consequences for Loikop society==

Following decades of civil war, the Loikop society had begun to fall into decline by the 1880s. On the southern and eastern borders neighboring communities such as the Kamba, Kikuyu and Kalenjin were encroaching on Loikop territory and the Loikop retaliatory raids were increasingly less successful. Meanwhile, the emerging Turkana and Pokot communities were pressing in on the north-western borders. The sum of traditions of these communities indicate that the Iloikop wars were followed by conflict with neighboring societies after which the Loikop disintegrated and settled by clans in specific territories. Conflict with the Pokot community The Loikop western border followed the base of the Elgeyo Escarpment. This border was breached by the Pokot, who attacked the Loikop at En-ginyang (about 48 kilometers north of Lake Baringo) shortly after Loikop cattle were decimated by disease. The Loikop were pushed east into their heartland, although a small minority fled south and formed the Ilchamus community. Following his Juba expedition, MacDonald (1899) wrote of the Sambur – who had been 'weakened by the civil war' and had been attacked 'by the (Pokotozek) who lived on the southern portion of the Karamojo plateau'. The (Pokotozek) "were being expelled from their country by an advancing Karamojo wave". Conflict with Nandi community The Iloikop wars saw the routing of the Uasin Gishu by a combined force of the Naivasha and Laikipia sections of Loikop society. The Nandi then defeated the remnants of the Uasin Gishu at a battle in the Kipkaren Valley, as they had tried to reassert their claim to the plateau. Shortly after, the Laikipiak were defeated by the Naivasha such that the latter were left as the only military power strong enough to contest the grazing rights to the Uasin Gishu plateau with the rising Nandi. Several inconclusive skirmishes took place between the two until eventually, the Naivasha were routed at Siwa and chased back into the Rift Valley. Thus the Nandi had unchallenged access to the pastures and salt licks throughout the extensive Uasin Gishu plateau. Loikop cattle and captives swelled the Nandi animal and human populations. Societal collapse Over the course of the second Mutai of the 19th century, Loikop society suffered a series of events that devastated their society. The combined effects of the Aoyate drought and the epizootics led to near total loss of their herds, their primary means of livelihood. Further, conflict on multiple fronts with neighboring communities had resulted in a series of defeats. On the northern fronts, the Loikop had suffered defeats to the Pokot at Enginyang and to Bantu communities at Blood Hill. On the west they had suffered defeats to the Nandi at Kipkaren and Siwa leading to the annihilation of the Uasin Gishu community. The totality of losses, resulting from these events and conflicts, has been noted in many traditions to have wiped out a singular Loikop identity. ==Post-Mutai==

Maasai-British relations In the late 1880s, the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEAC) increasingly came into contact with the Maasai. Relations between the British and the Maasai grew close as co-operation offered benefits to both sides. In 1893 the Maasai asked Frank Hall, the British commander at Fort Smith, to mediate a truce between local Maasai and the Kikuyu and later that year, over three hundred Maasai survivors of a raid sought protection at Fort Smith. In 1895, the British government took over the possessions of the IBEAC and established the East Africa Protectorate over its former territories. The following year, they began construction of the Uganda Railway. The British, hampered by a lack of money and troops, were unable to risk antagonising the Maasai who controlled their lines of communication. The government therefore adopted a policy of appeasement towards the Maasai, using warriors in expeditions and for security on the railway and in return they offered military protection which allowed the Maasai to replenish their herds from raids on neighbouring tribes. After 1900, the interests of the British and the Maasai began to diverge. With the completion of the railway the British no longer feared their lines of communication being disrupted, taxation was introduced in the Protectorate providing the government a regular source of income, and a permanent military force was instituted in 1902. For the Maasai, the end of the War of Morijo resulted in greater stability within their community, and cattle herds had largely been replenished. The government passed a series of measures signalling the end of their arrangement with the Maasai tribe, including forbidding unofficial looting, discontinuing the policy of raising levies and issuing a strict code of conduct for punitive expeditions. == See also ==