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1990 Serbian general election

General elections were held in Serbia, a constituent federal unit of SFR Yugoslavia, in December 1990 to elect the president of Serbia and members of the National Assembly. The presidential election and the first round of the parliamentary elections were held on 9 December, with the second round of the parliamentary elections taking place on 23 December. The elections were scheduled after the ratification of a new constitution on 28 September, which was approved by voters in a referendum held in July. These were Serbia's first multi-party elections, and the only parliamentary election to be held using a two-round voting system with single-member constituencies; all future elections used proportional representation.

Background
Post-World War II (left) came to power in 1987 after removing Ivan Stambolić (right) and his allies from key positions After World War II, the Communist Party (later the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, SKJ) consolidated power in Yugoslavia, transforming the country into a socialist state. Each constituent republic had its own branch of the Communist Party, with Serbia having the Communist Party of Serbia, later renamed the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS). With the death of Josip Broz Tito, the leader of Yugoslavia, in 1980, the country was faced with economic issues, constitutional problems, and a rise in ethnic nationalism. Within Serbia, Slobodan Milošević came to power at the 8th session in September 1987. Milošević served as the president of the League of Communists of Belgrade City Committee until being appointed president of SKS in May 1986 upon the proposal of his mentor Ivan Stambolić, a reformist within SKS. Milošević turned populist in April 1987 and then became a critic of Stambolić. Milošević dismissed Stambolić's allies at the 8th session, and in December 1987, Stambolić was removed as president of Serbia. With Milošević now in power, protests supporting Milošević's policies, known as the anti-bureaucratic revolution, started in Serbia and Montenegro in 1988. Following the protests, the leadership in Montenegro, Vojvodina, and Kosovo was replaced by the pro-Milošević faction. Milošević was named president of the presidency of the Socialist Republic of Serbia in May 1989, after being nominated to the position by the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Serbia. In response to his appointment, general elections were announced for November 1989. Milošević won the election in a landslide, officially being elected president of the presidency of the SR Serbia. Stanko Radmilović, a Milošević loyalist, became the prime minister of Serbia after the elections. In January 1990, an SKJ extraordinary congress was held to address the dispute over Milošević's centralisation reforms and reforms of the Federal Assembly of Yugoslavia. During the congress, SKS proposed implementing a "one man–one vote" system, which was opposed by the Slovene delegation, who favoured a confederated Yugoslavia. Milošević was fiercely opposed to confederalism. With the assistance of delegates from Montenegro, Vojvodina, Kosovo, and the Yugoslav People's Army, the proposals from SKS were accepted, while the Slovene and Bosnian proposals were rejected. This ultimately led to the dissolution of SKJ shortly after the congress. Radio Television of Belgrade (RTB) covered the protest negatively and the government labelled the protest as "anti-Serbian". Four cars were damaged during the protests, according to the police, and seven demonstrators were arrested, according to the opposition. Milošević then unexpectedly announced on 25 June 1990 in the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Serbia that a constitutional referendum would take place on 1 and 2 July, to determine the new constitution of Serbia. The referendum was held during a crisis in Kosovo. As reported by Zoran Sokolović, the president of the Assembly of SR Serbia, in the Official Gazette, the proposal was recommended by the presidency of SR Serbia and members of the Assembly of SR Serbia. The government, however, had discussed with the opposition parties on the implementation of a multi-party system. Nevertheless, the discussion was unsuccessful. Milošević also opposed the implementation of a multi-party system. Opposition political parties demanded that the referendum be postponed until after the first multi-party elections, and called on their supporters to boycott the referendum if the demand was not met. The state media labelled those opposing the referendum as "anti-Serbian" and "pro-Albanian". On 5 July, the government of Serbia dissolved the Assembly of SAP Kosovo and its government. This was done in response to the proclamation of the Republic of Kosova three days prior. "They tried to declare Kosovo a republic and by that they endangered Serbia and Yugoslavia", Sokolović said. This move was condemned by Amnesty International and the European Parliament. establishing a semi-presidential system in Serbia. Opposition parties criticised the constitution due to the high amount of powers that were given to the president of Serbia. == Electoral system ==
Electoral system
With the adoption of a new constitution in September 1990, a new electoral system was introduced in Serbia. All subsequent elections in Serbia have been conducted under a proportional representation system. A constituency's territory could consist of multiple local communities (mesna zajednica), populated places (naseljena mesta), or a single municipality. In the first round, a candidate was elected if it earned at least 50% of the popular vote, while in the second round the candidate with the most votes won. In the presidential election, a candidate had to be a resident of Serbia that was proposed by one or more political parties, political organisations, or a citizens group. A candidate was elected if it received a majority of all votes cast and if at least half of all voters participated in the election. If no candidate received a majority of all votes cast, the second round had to be held within the next fifteen days. In the second round, at least two of the candidates with the highest votes compete. An election was considered valid if the turnout was at least 50%; otherwise, a snap election is scheduled. RIK, local election commissions, and polling boards of constituencies have overseen elections in Serbia. At the time of the election, Časlav Ignjatović served as the president of RIK. Parliamentary and presidential elections were called by the president of the National Assembly, who also had to announce their dates. According to the law, a parliamentary election is held every four years, though it is possible for a snap election to take place. If a snap election occurs, then the president of Serbia has to call the election, as well as dissolve the National Assembly. To vote, a person had to be a citizen, able to perform working duties, and at least 18 years old. Voting also took place in hospitals, nursing homes, and police barracks. Signatures dispute Shortly before the adoption of the new constitution and the news laws, both proposed election laws, the Law on Constituencies for the Election of People's Deputies and the Law on the Election of the President of the Republic, stated that a much larger number of collected signatures was required to submit candidates; for the parliamentary election, the number was 500, while for the presidential election, the number was 10,000. The opposition wanted the number of collected signatures that were required to participate in the elections to be lowered. During its existence, the Assembly of SR Serbia was divided into the Council of Associated Labour, the Council of Municipalities, and the Socio-Political Council. In the Council of Associated Labour, 134 SKS delegates were elected; in the Council of Municipalities, 84 SKS delegates were elected; and in the Socio-Political Council, 85 SKS delegates were elected. Although there was dissent during the one-party period, the formation of other political parties was prohibited. By the time of the Revolutions of 1989, other republics adopted political pluralism, forcing the SKS to relax its positions, which led to the emergence of opposition parties. The first political parties in the registry included the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), the legal successor of SKS, With these resources and its continued influence over major industries, SPS was able to maintain dominance over political events in Serbia. Milošević was the president of SPS. DS was founded in December 1989, when a group of intellectuals announced the revival of the interwar Democratic Party. Dragoljub Mićunović and Kosta Čavoški were the candidates in the inaugural DS leadership election. Mićunović and Čavoški held opposing political beliefs, with Mićunović being a liberal and Čavoški being an anti-communist nationalist. Mićunović won the leadership election and led DS in the 1990 parliamentary election. In March 1990, SNO president Mirko Jović verbally attacked Drašković for his prior membership in SKJ, causing a schism within the party. Šešelj left SPO in May 1990 after disagreements about boycotting Siniša Kovačević's play Saint Sava. In 1991, SČP became the Serbian Radical Party (SRS). == Participants ==
Participants
Parliamentary candidates The parliamentary election was contested by 1,701 candidates, 81 of whom were women, Out of that number, 342 candidates were proposed by a citizens group. The three main political parties in Serbia at the time of the election were SPS, SPO, and DS. As a result, SPS was able to sweep the constituencies in Kosovo, winning five without opposition. According to Reuters, opposition parties in Kosovo also said that "they would not respect Serbia's new constitution". Ibrahim Rugova, the president of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), said that "to participate in these elections would mean that we accept the conditions the Serbians have imposed upon us". Kosovo Albanians continued to boycott the elections until 1997. Presidential candidates The following list includes candidates who took part in the presidential election. The election had 32 contestants, which has remained the highest number of candidates in any presidential election in Serbia since then. Ljiljana Ćuić became the first female to contest a presidential election. • Ljuben-Alen Aleksov, proposed by a citizens group • Nikola Barović, proposed by a citizens group • Miroslav Veselinović, proposed by a citizens group • Ratimir Vojvodić, proposed by a citizens group • Predrag Vuletić, proposed by the Liberal PartyMiodrag Gojković, proposed by the Party of Independent Businessmen "Zapis"Saša Goranci, proposed by a citizens group • Ljubomir Grujić, proposed by a citizens group • Vuk Drašković, proposed by the Serbian Renewal MovementIvan Đurić, proposed by the Union of Reform Forces of Yugoslavia in Serbia and Association for Yugoslav Democratic InitiativeTihomir Živanović, proposed by a citizens group • Dragan Jovanović, proposed by the Green PartyJovan Koprivica, proposed by a citizens group • , proposed by the Movement for the Protection of Human RightsMilan Lazarević, proposed by a citizens group • Slobodan Milošević, proposed by the Socialist Party of SerbiaSlobodan Mitić, proposed by the Alliance of All Serbs of the World • , proposed by a citizens group • Čedomir Nešić, proposed by a citizens group • Blažo Perović, proposed by the YU BlocMilorad Radović, proposed by a citizens group • Hercen Radonjić, proposed by a citizens'group • Slobodan Ranković, proposed by a citizens group • Jovan Stojković, proposed by a citizens' group • Miomir Tošić, proposed by a citizens group • Ljiljana Ćuić, proposed by a citizens group • Sulejman Ugljanin, proposed by the Party of Democratic Action from Novi PazarŽivan Haravan, proposed by the Party of Social Justice • , proposed by the Social Democratic Party of YugoslaviaRadivoje Šaranac, proposed by the Republican PartyNikola Šećeroski, proposed by a citizens group • Vojislav Šešelj, proposed by a citizens group == Campaign ==
Campaign
The election campaign began on 28 September, when the president of the National Assembly called for the elections to be held. protesting against unfair treatment of the opposition on the RTB. SPS and its precursor had already adopted nationalist rhetoric when Milošević came to power in 1987. NIN described the campaign as taking place under "extraordinarily dramatic circumstances" (izvanredno dramatičnim okolnostima). The New York Times called the election conclusive because of Serbia's role within Yugoslavia, while the Los Angeles Times stated that "the election also provides a last chance for Yugoslavia to reconsider its headlong rush toward disintegration and civil war". According to the Toronto Star, the elections "may determine, to a large extent, the future make-up or breakup of Yugoslavia", while The Washington Post said that "the survival of Yugoslavia may well be at stake" in the Serbian elections. Shortly before the election, the San Francisco Chronicle predicted that Serbia "is expected to remain staunchly Communist" after the elections. The Seattle Times considered the presidential election to be the most important one that year in Yugoslavia. By the end of the campaign, the Serbian opposition, Croatia, Slovenia, and Western countries viewed Drašković as a more acceptable option as president than Milošević. The also expressed its support for SPS, stating that "SPS is the only party that can oppose the right-wing and nationalist elements and mediaeval darkness, Albanian separatism, and Vojvodina autonomism" (SPS je jedina stranka koja se može susprotstaviti desničarskoj i nacionalističkoj stihiji i srednjovekovnom mraku, albanskom separatizmu i vojvođanskom autonomaštvu). Slogans The table below lists slogans that political parties employed during the campaign. Mićunović said that "that slogan spoke of our desire to say that we were wrong a lot, so it's time to decide wisely" (ta parola je govorila o našoj želji da kažemo da smo dosta grešili, pa je vreme da prelomimo pametno). "Since the first pluralist parliamentary elections in 1990, the media presentation of the elections was not adapted to the needs of the voters, but to the needs of the parties, and above all to the needs of the ruling party" (Od prvih pluralističkih parlamentarnih izbora 1990. godine, medijska prezentacija izbora nije bila prilagođena potrebama birača, već potrebama partija, i pre svega potrebama vladajuće partije), Matić said. SPS controlled the majority of television and radio stations, as well as newspapers. Mićunović, unlike Drašković, was not a presidential candidate and hence faced fewer media attacks. Candidates were given 90 minutes of television airtime on RTB, with the first 30 allocated minutes reserved for how candidates wished to present themselves. Mila Štula, a RTB journalist, also characterised Drašković as "a man with a clerical and Khomeini mentality who is also unsuitable for the head of state because he has no children" (čoveka pisarskog i homeinijevskog mentaliteta, koji je uz to nepogodan za vođu države jer nema dece). While Milošević was invited to give a presentation on RTB, he refused to do so because the timeslot for his presentation would replace the play (Thessalonians speak). Miloš Vasić, a former Politika journalist, said that the "news coverage has been especially distorted during campaigning" and that "[Ante] Marković's party was completely ignored". The campaign was met with high social polarisation and fear, as well as politically motivated incidents. Slobodan Ivanović, an SPO activist, was killed in Dubnica, near Vranje, by a SPS supporter while campaigning just before the campaign ended on 5 December. The majority of respondents wanted to remain in a federal Yugoslavia. In the December poll, this issue was agreed upon by 39% of the respondents, with environmental issues ranking second. Timeline On 12 September, UOS held a protest in Belgrade, which was attended by about 50,000 demonstrators. Drašković and his SPO were the first to initiate a boycott on 2 October. SPO proclaimed a boycott on the grounds that the election would be unfair, and demanded that it be rescheduled for 27 December. Mićunović and Zoran Đinđić were opposed to a boycott; Mićunović said that, in case of a boycott, opposition parties would "leave a clear space for the existing government, and we would deprive our own sympathisers of the opportunity to choose" (ostavljamo čist prostor postojećoj vlasti, a sopstvene simpatizere lišavamo mogućnosti da biraju). Dragan Veselinov, the president of NSS, said that his party would take part in the elections, while the NRS was also opposed to a boycott. In-mid November, discussions about an election boycott intensified. They were also concerned about potential vote fraud if they chose to participate. By 25 November, around 40 parties had announced their decision to boycott the election. The government of Serbia believed that a boycott would undermine international acceptance of the election results; Milošević also criticised parties that proclaimed the boycott. He accused the "rightist conservatives and often dark forces" (desnih konzervativnih i često sasvim mračnih snaga) of trying to bring Serbia "to the past, to bring it into chaos" (u prošlost, da je uvuku u haos). The government eventually accepted the recommendations on 26 November, and the boycott was cancelled. However, the government refused to postpone the elections to 23 December or permit overseas Serbians to vote. Drašković said that "some effort was made towards a reasonable solution" (učinjen je izvestan napor ka razumnom rešenju) and that SPO would not boycott the elections. He earned the moniker "King of the Squares" (kralj trgova) for his inflammatory and provocative rhetoric during the election campaign; He also backed free-market capitalism and the restoration of the monarchy. "Anyone who, in this land of Raška, holds a Turkish flag, an Ustaša flag, an Albanian flag, or anyone else's flag except the Serbian flag, will be left without a hand and without a flag" (svaki onaj ko u ruku, ovom Raškom zemljom, stegne turski barjak, ustaški barjak, albanski barjak ili bilo čiji drugi barjak sem srpskog, ostaće i bez ruke i bez barjaka), Drašković said. In early November, Yugoslav Prime Minister Ante Marković and his SRSJ criticized the SPO, labeling it a greater threat than Milošević. By the end of the campaign, Drašković moderated his rhetoric, and said that he would negotiate with Croatia and Slovenia to avoid Yugoslavia's disintegration. While he was opposed to the breakup of Yugoslavia, he favoured the concept of Greater Serbia. Democratic Party Mićunović stated that DS campaigned with limited infrastructure and was forced to use only direct methods of campaigning. Furthermore, they took a moderate approach towards Kosovo, opting to negotiate with Kosovo Albanians and wishing to preserve the Yugoslav federation. DS received support from intellectuals during the election. In its first programme, issued in October, SPS stated that "Serbia as a socialist republic, founded on law and social justice" was its goal. Nevertheless, SPS relied heavily on a combination of nationalism and social demagogy in its rhetoric. While campaigning in early November, Milošević criticised the opposition: "That path to a modern society and a developed society is incompatible with any mystical messages, which like ghosts of the past circulate in some parts of Serbia and which various false prophets and madmen offer to the Serbian people as a pledge of the future" (Taj put u moderno društvo i razvijeno društvo nespojiv je sa bilo kakvim mističkim porukama, koje kao aveti prošlosti kruže u nekim delovima Srbije i koje razni lažni proroci i ludaci nude srpskom narodu kao zalog budućnosti). Throughout the rest of the month, he intensified his presidential campaign. After the rally, the supporters were bussed back home. Others Among the numerous opposition groups and politicians who rose to prominence during the campaign, the Association for the Yugoslav Democratic Initiative (UJDI) expressed its opposition to confederalism, instead advocating an accord on the formation of a multi-party Assembly of Yugoslavia. He was later released but soon re-imprisoned on October 23 for 45 days for allegedly attempting to recruit volunteers for Croatia's Log Revolution. In the election, she was nominated on behalf of a citizens group. Out of all independent candidates for the parliamentary election, Milićević campaigned on improving children's rights and the rights of the elderly, as well as expanding the number of kindergartens, schools, and parks. UOS was officially formalised on 11 December. Due to its heterogeneous nature, UOS only advocated for the establishment of parliamentarism and the introduction of a proportional representation system. == Opinion polls ==
Opinion polls
Opinion polling for the 1990 general election in Serbia was conducted by the Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade, Institute of Social Sciences and Centre for Political Research, and one unknown independent polling firm. According to Washington Post, opinion polls were not very reliable during the 1990 elections. Graphical summary The graph below showcases major parties and candidates in opinion polls during the 1990 election campaign period. == Conduct ==
Conduct
The election observers included 170 international journalists and 65 members from monitoring organisations. Despite the opposition's claims of electoral fraud, election observers gave the elections a transitional rating and declared them free. The opposition later conceded, expressing surprise and disappointment with the outcome. According to the National Republican Institute for International Affairs, the election was fair, but observers complained about "bias and favouritism in media coverage". Matić said that the election was held under unequal conditions. Claims of electoral fraud included ballot stuffing, abuse of postal votes, manipulation in vote counting, and attempts to undermine the credibility of the elections. Political scientist Vladimir Goati reported that while the irregularities occurred – which included unauthorised changes to the electoral roll which favoured SPS candidates – only a few were recorded. According to political scientist Dušan Pavlović, vote buying was the most widespread during the 1990 elections. == Results ==
Results
Unlike in most post-communist countries after the Revolutions of 1989 and constituent republics of Yugoslavia, the elections in Serbia were won by the incumbent. In comparison, the elections in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia were won by anti-communists. RIK published preliminary results of the elections on 10 December. The Republic Bureau of Statistics published the full results in January 1991. Presidential election There were 7,033,610 citizens who were eligible to vote in the presidential elections. while Drašković only won 16% of the popular vote. Observers were shocked, as they had expected Drašković to receive strong support. Parliamentary election There were 7,036,303 citizens who were eligible to vote in the first round of the parliamentary elections; in the second round, there were 4,352,573. In the second round, the turnout was 48%. Despite not winning the popular vote, SPS received 78% of seats in the National Assembly due to the first-past-the-post system. Academics Dragomir Pantić and Zoran Pavlović analysed the demographics of the three major parties during the 1990 elections. According to them, SPS voters were characterised by authoritarianism, nationalism, irreligiousness, and nostalgia for socialism; DS voters were characterised by anti-authoritarianism, nationalism, irreligiosity, and rare nostalgia for socialism; and SPO voters were characterised by mild authoritarianism, nationalism, religiousity, and an absence of nostalgia for socialism. Political scientist said that SPS voters included the elderly, those with lower education, such as pensioners, housewives, and peasants, and workers spanning from the unqualified to highly qualified workers. Regarding the opposition, their voters included younger generations and those with higher education, such as students, professors, intellectuals, and private entrepreneurs. According to Martinov, 28% of SPS voters advocated for an authoritarian regime, and 33% espoused social justice. Regarding presidential candidates, supporters of Milošević espoused the highest amounts of authoritarianism, while supporters of Đurić and Šešelj were the most libertarian. Mihailović, who analysed the Institute of Social Studies and Centre for Political Research polls, saw that SPS voters were either from suburban parts or villages and mostly from the Central Serbia region. Most SPS voters were elderly and elementary school educated, and a majority of them identified themselves on the left-wing part of the political spectrum. Most SPO voters, primarily male, high-school educated, and from middle-sized cities in Central Serbia, identified as politically right-leaning, with 26% considering themselves centrist. DS voters were young, lived in cities, and were highly educated. Most DS voters saw themselves in the political centre. The Institute of Social Studies and Centre for Political Research poll conducted in December also listed the influence of voter results in the election; 28.7% said that radio had little influence on them, while 12.7% said that it had "a great deal" of influence on them. On the other hand, television impacted most voters, while the press had little influence on the outcome of their voting. Most of the voters had already known who they would vote for since the beginning, with 16.4% also stating that they formed their decision during the election campaign. Regarding the political positioning of voters, 28.4% identified as centrist, 21.6% as mildly left, 11.1% as mildly right, 9.6% as centre-left, 6.4% as extreme-left, 5.6% as centre-right, and 2.8% as extreme-right. Most of the voters favoured closer relations with the European Economic Community, while 28.4% opted for a strictly neutral policy. == Reactions ==
Reactions
Shortly after the announcement of the results, Milošević said that "I understand the duty of the president of the Republic, which I assume by the decision of the citizens of Serbia, as an obligation and responsibility for the realisation of the policy of freedom, peace, and equality of nations and people" (Dužnost predsednika Republike, koju preuzimam odlukom građana Srbije, shvatam kao obavezu i odgovornost za ostvarenje politike slobode, mira i ravnopravnosti naroda i ljudi) and that "Serbia needs to unite now" (Srbija sada treba da se ujedini). Đurić claimed that Milošević did not win 50% of the popular vote and that the results from opposition candidates were subtracted from and added on top of Milošević's result. The poll conducted by the Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade saw 55% of the respondents satisfied with the results of the presidential election, with 22% also being neither satisfied nor unsatisfied, while 21% said that they were unsatisfied with the results. Regarding the parliamentary elections, 37% were satisfied, 33% were unsatisfied, and 28% were neither satisfied nor unsatisfied. 26.5% of the respondents said that the election would somewhat influence their future lives, and 22% said that it would not at all influence their future lives; 32% did not know. == Aftermath ==
Aftermath
Government formation was elected prime minister of Serbia after the 1990 election The National Assembly was constituted on 11 January 1991. Since 10 members of parliament (MPs) were needed to form a parliamentary group, only the SPS and SPO were able to do so. Unković remained in that position until his resignation in June, stating that he was worn out and wanted to return to the academic sphere. Sotirović also said that political scientists considered the system to be authoritarian during the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia; Dragutin Zelenović was elected prime minister of Serbia by the National Assembly in February 1991. The main organiser of the protest was SPO, though other opposition parties also took part. RTB previously alleged in February 1991 that SPO cooperated "with the far pro-fascistic and pro-Ustaša Croatia" (sa krajnjom profašističkom i proustaškom Hrvatskom). Drašković, alongside Đinđić, Mićunović, Vesna Pešić of SRSJ, and Milan Paroški of NS, expressed his demands from the balcony of the National Theatre, The protests were held continuously until 14 March, when the government conceded to the demands of the organisers. Yugoslav Wars The process of the breakup of Yugoslavia escalated after the Serbian elections, with Milošević continuing to espouse conspiracy theories and allegations, such as that Warren Zimmermann, the last U.S. ambassador to Yugoslavia, was an agent of the Central Intelligence Agency, that Slovenia, Austria, and Hungary sought to re-establish the Austria-Hungarian Empire, and that there was an international plot to destroy Serbia. The Foreign Affairs reported that none of the six constituent republics paid their full share of tax revenues to the government of Yugoslavia and that all republics, except Serbia and Montenegro, prioritised their sovereignty over the federation. The Republic of Serbian Krajina was later established on the territory of Croatia in December 1991. Later in April 1992, the Bosnian War also began, after Bosnia and Herzegovina proclaimed independence. After the announcement that the European Economic Community would recognise Slovenia and Croatia, Milošević declared the formation of a "third Yugoslavia" which included Serbia, Montenegro, and Krajina. The United Nations also sanctioned FR Yugoslavia due to the wars in Croatia and Bosnia. Snap elections Dissatisfied with the results of the 1990 elections and believing they had greater public support, the opposition called for the government to hold a snap election. Snap elections were then scheduled for 20 December 1992. It was debated whether the first-past-the-post system should stay or if Serbia should adopt the proportional representation system. The government initially wanted the first-past-the-post system to stay. The election laws were ultimately amended and the proportional representation system was established; the number of constituencies was also lowered from 250 to 9 as a compromise. Under the new electoral system, the Belgrade constituency elected 46 MPs, Novi Sad elected 32 MPs, Kragujevac elected 29 MPs, Leskovac elected 25 MPs, Zrenjanin, Niš, Priština, and Užice all elected 24 MPs each, and Smederevo elected 22 MPs. == Legacy ==
Legacy
The Radio Television of Serbia published a documentary about the 1990 elections in 2020. The documentary featured politicians who took part in the 1990 elections, as well as political scientists and researchers. "It was necessary to act quickly, primarily because of the situation regarding the autonomous provinces in our country, primarily Kosovo and Metohija" (Trebalo je brzo delovati, pre svega zbog situacije u vezi sa autonomnim pokrajinama kod nas, pre svega Kosovo i Metohija), Marković said. The documentary featured Ćuić, Mladenović, Jovanović of ZS, as well as parliamentary candidate Savo Nešković of the Great Rock 'n' Roll Party. The documentary was screened at several festivals, including the International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam, Subversive Festival, and Palić European Film Festival. == Notes ==
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