A possible seventh signature on the book Archaionomia In the late 1930s a possible seventh Shakespeare signature was found in the Folger Library copy of
William Lambarde's
Archaionomia (1568), a collection of Anglo-Saxon laws. In 1942,
Giles Dawson published a report cautiously concluding that the signature was genuine, and 30 years later he concluded that there was "an overwhelming probability that the writer of all seven signatures was the same person, William Shakespeare." Nicholas Knight published a book-length study a year later with the same conclusion.
Samuel Schoenbaum considered that the signature was more likely to be genuine than not with "a better claim to authenticity than any other pretended Shakespeare autograph," while also writing that "it is premature ... to classify it as the poet's seventh signature." Stanley Wells notes that the authenticity of both the Montaigne and Lambarde signatures have had strong support. In 2012 Gregory Heyworth, as head of the Lazarus Project, which has a mission to use advanced technology to create images of culturally important artifacts, along with his students at the
University of Mississippi, used a 50-megapixel multispectral digital imaging system to enhance the signature and get a better idea of what it looked like.
The body of Shakespeare's last will and testament The first person to claim that the body of Shakespeare's last will and testament was written in Shakespeare's own handwriting was
John Cordy Jeaffreson, who compared the letters in the will and in the signature, and then expressed his findings in a letter to
Athenaeum (1882). He suggests that the will was intended to be a rough draft, and that the progressively deteriorating script indicates an enfeebling illness, an illness which may have caused the "rough draft" to become the will itself.
John Pym Yeatman is another who considered that the body of the will is in Shakespeare's handwriting. In his book, ''Is William Shakespeare's Will Holographic?'' (1901), he argues against the often repeated idea that Francis Collins (or "Francis Collyns" as it is often spelled), Shakespeare's lawyer, wrote the will. Among the evidence that Yeatman offers, is Collins' signature on the will itself. Collins' name occurs three times in the will: twice in the body, and the third time when Collyns signs his name at the bottom of page three. The body of the will, along with Shakespeare's own signature, are written in handwriting known as the
secretary hand, whereas the signature by Collins, particularly the initial letters, is written in a modern hand. The difference between the two handwriting styles is primarily in the formations used for each letter of the alphabet. Yeatman then states that the last insertion regarding the second-best bed, is in a handwriting that "exactly corresponds with the signature below it." This he adds, is "of the utmost value, in proof that one hand wrote them both." In 1985 manuscript expert
Charles Hamilton compared the signatures, the handwritten additions to the play
Sir Thomas More, and the body of the last will and testament. In his book
In Search of Shakespeare he placed letters from each document side-by-side to demonstrate the similarities and his reasons for considering that they were written by the same hand. The handwriting in the body of Shakespeare's last will and testament indicates that it is written all by one person in at least two sessions: First the entire will of three pages, then a revision on the lower half of the first page that runs over onto page 2, and finally the additions or bequests that are inserted between the lines. The lower half of page one, the part that was written later than page 2 and 3, shows a disintegration of the penmanship. This problem worsens until the last written line, leaving his second-best bed to his wife, is almost indecipherable. The ink used for the interlinear additions is different from the ink in the main body of the will, but it is the same ink that is used by the four witnesses that signed the will.
Handwriting in a letter signed by the Earl of Southampton The Shakespearean scholar,
Eric Sams points to a letter written by the 20-year-old
Earl of Southampton to a Mr. Hicks (or Hyckes) regarding
Lord Burghley, at a time when Southampton had not yet agreed to marry Burghley's granddaughter. The letter is signed by the Earl of Southampton, but the body of the letter was written by someone else. It is dated 26 June 1592, a year when it is thought that Shakespeare may have first encountered Southampton and had begun writing the sonnets. Sams notices that the handwriting in the body of the letter is literally a secretary hand, and it resembles the handwriting found in the addition to
Sir Thomas More by Hand D. After close scrutiny of the letters and pen strokes in each, and referencing the detailed descriptions found in Edward Thompson's ''Shakespeare's Handwriting: A Study'', Sams finds that there are enough similarities to merit further consideration. This letter was written by Southampton regarding one of his houses that was in need of repair, and as Eric Sams points out, it was written at a time when Southampton was the recipient of sonnets written by Shakespeare that contained imagery suggesting the young lord might consider repairing his house: "Seeking that beauteous roof to ruinate/Which to repair should be thy chief desire." (Sonnet 10, lines 7–8) And "who lets so fair a house fall to decay?" (Sonnet 13, line 9)
A signature on a deed for the purchase of a house On 4 December 1612 Shakespeare's friends, Elizabeth and Adrian Quiney, sold a house to a man named William Mountford for 131 pounds. The deed of sale, written out apparently by a legal clerk, was witnessed and signed twice in different parts of the deed by William Shakespeare's daughter, Judith, who used for her signature a squiggle with two loops in it. Judith's given name and surname were written out on either side of Judith's marks, by someone who was not the clerk, or the witnesses or the signers. Paleographer
Charles Hamilton studied this document and found that Judith's surname as it is written out is so similar to the surname in Shakespeare's own signature as it appears on other documents, that it may be reasonable to consider that Shakespeare could have been there at the signing of the deed, and assisted his daughter as she made her mark. Hamilton considers that there may be reasons for Shakespeare not witnessing the document himself. For example, he could have been involved in some way that would have precluded him from acting as witness, either in the drawing up of the deed or in advising the Quineys.
The applications to grant a coat-of-arms to John Shakespeare drawn on the first rough draft of the application to grant a coat-of-arms to John Shakespeare. On 20 October 1596 a rough draft was drawn up for an application to the College of Heralds for Shakespeare's father to be granted a coat-of-arms. This draft has numerous emendations and corrections, and it appears to have been written by someone "inexperienced in drawing up heraldic drafts." The script is written at a great speed, but with the fluid, easy character of one well practiced with a quill. The velocity of the writing is increased by shortcuts and abbreviations. Formalities of punctuation and consistent spelling are left behind, as words are pared down. Loops and tails are sheared, and letters are flattened for speed. The handwriting slows down only to produce a clearly legible italic script for proper nouns and family names. Later that day, the same person drew up a second rough draft based on the first one, incorporating the edits that were indicated in the previous draft. This application was ultimately successful, and the
coat-of-arms was granted. A third application was drafted three years later in 1599. This time it was applying to have impaled onto Shakespeare's coat-of-arms, the arms of the Ardens of Wilmcote, Shakespeare's mother's family. All three drafts include a pen-and-ink sketch of the proposed coat-of-arms: a shield, with a spear, surmounted by a falcon standing on its left leg, grasping a spear with its right talon. The coat-of-arms is seen to be pictorially expressing Shakespeare's name with the verb "shake" shown by the falcon with its fluttering wings grasping a "spear". William Dethick is mentioned in all the application drafts, as the "Garter-Principal king of Arms in England". It has been suggested that Dethick wrote the drafts, but Dethick's handwriting, a combination of secretary and italic scripts, appears to be quite different. The idea that Shakespeare himself made out the applications, and that it is his handwriting on the rough drafts, was first raised by Samuel A. Tannenbaum. Hamilton considers that a comparison of the handwriting in the examples indicates that the same person wrote both, and along with other evidence, that it was Shakespeare.
Edward III Though the playwright's handwriting for
Edward III has not survived, the text, as printed, has been analyzed in order to discover indications of characteristics that the handwriting might contain, in the same way that the
First Folio and other printed texts have been scrutinized. This has led to findings that may support the attribution of this play to Shakespeare. For example, scholar
Eric Sams, assuming that the pages by Hand D in the play
Sir Thomas More are indeed Shakespeare's, points out that Hand D shows what scholar
Alfred W. Pollard refers to as "excessive carelessness" in minim errors—that is, writing the wrong number of downstrokes in the letters i, m, n, and u. This particular characteristic is indicated in numerous misreadings by the original compositor who set the printed type for
Edward III. This is also found in the Good Quartos, which are thought to be printed from Shakespeare's handwritten manuscripts. For a second example, Hand D uses a short horizontal stroke above a letter to indicate contraction, but twice omits it. This characteristic is indicated by the compositor's misreadings in a number of instances found in
Edward III. And in another example, Hand D and the Good Quartos often show "the frequent and whimsical appearance of an initial capital C, in a way which shows that Shakespeare's pen was fond of using this letter in place of the minuscule." This characteristic occurs throughout both the
Sonnets and
Edward III. ==Forgeries==