In the introduction to
Slavery by Another Name, Blackmon describes his experience as a reporter for the
Wall Street Journal "asking a provocative question: What would be revealed if American corporations were examined through the same sharp lens of historical confrontation as the one then being trained on German corporations that relied on Jewish slave labor during World War II and the Swiss banks that robbed victims of the Holocaust of their fortunes?". His story describing corporate use of black forced labor in the post-Civil War South generated more response than any other piece he had written, and inspired him to pursue a book-length study of the subject (see
Reconstruction Era). Blackmon structures his narrative around a young African-American man named Green Cottenham; though the records of Cottenham's life are incomplete, Blackmon says that "the absence of his voice rests at the center of this book." Cottenham, who was born in the 1880s to two former slaves, was arrested in 1908 for
vagrancy, a common pretext to detain blacks who did not have a white patron. The state of
Alabama rented Cottenham as a laborer to a coal mine owned by
U.S. Steel Corporation, where he died. As context, Blackmon describes the beginnings of "industrial slavery", in which convict laborers were put to work in factories or mines rather than cotton fields. Though slaves were formally emancipated by the
Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution following the Civil War, after Reconstruction, white-dominated Southern state legislatures passed
Black Codes, "an array of interlocking laws essentially intended to criminalize black life", to restrict the economic independence of blacks and provide pretexts for jail terms. Blacks were often unable to pay even small fees and were sentenced to labor as a result; convicts were leased to
plantations,
lumber camps, and
mines to be used for forced labor.
Joseph E. Brown, former governor of Georgia, amassed great wealth based on his use of convict labor in his Dade Coal Company mines and other enterprises, from 1874 to 1894. In the early 20th century, federal prosecutors such as
Eugene Reese attempted to prosecute responsible parties under federal laws against
debt bondage. But such efforts received little support nationally and none in the South, which had
disenfranchised most blacks to exclude them from the political system. Northern attention was focused on immigration and World War I. The convict lease system finally ended with the advent of World War II. National and presidential attention was focused on racial issues because of the need for national unity and mobilization of the military. In the book's epilogue, Blackmon argues for the importance of acknowledging this history of forced labor: [T]he evidence moldering in county courthouses and the National Archives compels us to confront this extinguished past, to recognize the terrible contours of the record, to teach our children the truth of a terror that pervaded much of American life, to celebrate its end, to lift any shame on those who could not evade it. This book is not a call for financial reparations. Instead, I hope it is a formidable plea for a resurrection and fundamental reinterpretation of a tortured chapter in the collective American past. ==Reception ==