The
1921 general election was explicitly fought on the issue of
partition, being in effect a referendum on approval of the concept of a Northern Ireland administration. Thereafter, general election timing was up to the Prime Minister. In the 1921 election the Nationalist Party did not take their seats, employing a policy of
Abstentionism. Just before the election the southern nationalist (and future
Father of the House (United Kingdom))
T. P. O'Connor made clear his feelings on nationalists taking their seats in the Parliament of Northern Ireland: "...the Nationalists are determined not to give even the fig leaf of respectability to the whole rotten arrangement by attending the [northern] Parliament." Elections almost always took place at a time when the issue of partition had been raised in a new crisis. This generally guaranteed the loyalty of
Protestant voters to the
Unionist Party. Independent Unionist candidates and the
Northern Ireland Labour Party were usually accused of being splitters or dupes of the
Nationalists. The
1925 general election was called to tie in with the expected report of the
Boundary Commission required by the
Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1922. The Boundary Commission was expected to recommend the transfer of many border areas to the
Irish Free State, and the Unionist election slogan was "Not an Inch!". They lost eight seats in Belfast and
County Antrim, where the issue of the border had far less resonance.
Sinn Féin had fought in 1921, but by 1925 was suffering the effects of its split over the
Anglo-Irish Treaty.
Éamon de Valera's Sinn Féin fought as
Republicans but won only two seats. The border was never changed. A minor row erupted in 1925 when the elections to the Senate took place. Eleven Unionists and one Labour Senator were elected, despite there being a block of three composed of two non-abstaining Nationalists and a dissident Unionist. The latter three had mailed their votes, but due to a public holiday and the practices of the postal service, they arrived an hour after the election. Requests for a recount were denied. (It is doubtful whether the three votes would have been sufficient to elect a Senator under the election system, since they would not have achieved a complete
single transferable vote quota alone and the Unionist votes were likely to transfer so heavily to each other that the Nationalist candidate would not reach quota throughout the rounds of counting.) From later in 1925 to 1927, the
Nationalist Party members took their seats for the first time. For the
1929 general election the Unionists replaced the
proportional representation system blamed for their bad performance in 1925. The new boundaries set the pattern for politics until Stormont was abolished; the Unionists never fell below 33 seats. In the 1930s, the phrase "
A Protestant Parliament for a Protestant People" was a debated term. The
1938 general election was called when the
prime minister of the United Kingdom Neville Chamberlain was negotiating a settlement of outstanding disputes with Éamon de Valera, whose new
constitution laid claim to Northern Ireland, and the
1949 election was called when the
Irish government declared itself a
republic. During the
Second World War, the Stormont government called on Westminster to introduce
conscription several times, as this was already the case in Great Britain. The
British government consistently refused, remembering how a similar attempt in 1918 had backfired dramatically, as
nationalist opposition made it unworkable. Much of the population of serving age were either in essential jobs or had already joined up voluntarily, making the potential yield of conscription low. 1965 saw a significant change, in that the Nationalists accepted office as the
Official Opposition. This was intended as a reward for the attempts made by
Terence O'Neill to end discrimination against
Catholics and normalise relations with the Republic. However, the Unionists split over O'Neill's tentative reforms at the
1969 general election and
Ian Paisley's
Protestant Unionist Party began to win by-elections. The new nationalist party, the
Social Democratic and Labour Party, withdrew from Stormont in July 1971 over the refusal of an inquiry into
Royal Ulster Constabulary actions in
Derry. Stormont was abolished and
Direct Rule from Westminster was introduced in March 1972, just six weeks after
Bloody Sunday, when the Unionist government refused to hand over responsibility for law and order to
Westminster. In its 50-year history, only one piece of legislation was passed that was introduced by a Nationalist member, the Wild Birds Protection Act. In October 1971, as the
Troubles worsened,
Gerard Newe had been appointed as a junior minister at Stormont, in an attempt to improve community relations. Fifty years after it came into existence, Newe was the first Catholic to serve in a Northern Ireland government, but because he was neither an MP nor a Senator, his appointment could last only six months. The influence of the
Orange Order in the governance of Northern Ireland was far-reaching. All of the six prime ministers of Northern Ireland were members of the Order, as were all but three cabinet ministers until 1969. Three of the ministers later left the Order, one because his daughter married a Catholic, one to become Minister of Community Relations in 1970, and the third was expelled for attending a Catholic religious ceremony. Of the 95 Stormont MPs who did not become cabinet ministers, 87 were Orangemen. Every unionist senator, with one exception, between 1921 and 1969 was an Orangeman. One of these senators,
James Gyle, was suspended from the Order for seven years for visiting nationalist MP
Joe Devlin on his deathbed. A fully digitised copy of the Commons' debates (187,000 printed pages of Parliamentary Debates) is available online. ==See also==