1900–1945 Politics became a central issue for the coal miners, whose organisation was facilitated by their location in remote one-industry villages. The
Miners' Federation of Great Britain formed in 1888, and counted 600,000 members in 1908. Much of the 'old left' of Labour politics can trace its origins to coal-mining areas.
Upheavals: 1910–1914 The working classes were beginning to protest politically for a greater voice in government, especially after 1908, reaching a crescendo known as the
Great Unrest in 1910-1914. The extreme agitation included the 1910-1911
Tonypandy riots; the
1911 Liverpool general transport strike; the
National coal strike of 1912; and the
1913 Dublin lockout. It was modern Britain's worst labour unrest and compares with the
1926 general strike. The period of unrest was labelled "great" not because of its scale, but due to the level of violence employed by both the state and labourers; including deaths of strikers at the hands of police and sabotage on the part of the workers. The Great Unrest saw an enormous increase in trade union membership, from 2.5 to 4 million between 1911 and 1914. The militants were most active in coal mining, textiles and transportation. Much of the militancy emerged from grassroots protests against falling real wages, with union leadership scrambling to catch up. The new unions of semiskilled workers were the most militant. The National Sailors' and Firemen's Union directed strike activities in many port cities across Britain. The national leadership was strongly supported by local leaders, for example the Glasgow Trades Council. In Glasgow and other major cities there were distinctive local variations. Glasgow was more unified and coherent than most centres. The long-term result was seen in the strength of waterfront organisation on the Clyde River, marked as it was by the emergence of independent locally based unions among both dockers and seamen.
First World War Industrial production of munitions was a central feature of the war, and with a third of the men in the labour force moved into the military, demand was very high for industrial labour. Large numbers of women were employed temporarily. Trade unions gave strong support to the war effort, cutting back on strikes and restrictive practices. Membership doubled from 4.1 million in 1914, to 8.3 million in 1920. The
Trades Union Congress (TUC) accounted for 65% of union members in 1914, rising to 77% in 1920. Labour's prestige had never been higher, and it systematically placed its leaders into Parliament. The
Munitions of War Act 1915 followed the
Shell Crisis of 1915 when supplies of material to the front became a political issue. The Act forbade strikes and lock-outs and replaced them with compulsory arbitration. It set up a system of controlling war industries, and established munitions tribunals that were special courts to enforce good working practices. It suspended, for the duration, restrictive practices by trade unions. It tried to control labour mobility between jobs. The courts ruled the definition of munitions was broad enough to include textile workers and dock workers. The 1915 act was repealed in 1919, but similar legislation took effect during the Second World War. In Glasgow, the heavy demand for munitions and warships strengthened union power. There emerged a radical movement called "
Red Clydeside" led by militant trades unionists. Formerly a Liberal Party stronghold, the industrial districts switched to Labour by 1922, with a base among the Irish Catholic working class districts. Women were especially active solidarity on housing issues. However, the "Reds" operated within the Labour Party and had little influence in Parliament; the mood changed to passive despair by the late 1920s. The war saw in a further increase in union membership, as well as widespread recognition of unions and their increased involvement in management. Strikes were not patriotic, and the government tried to hold wages down. At war's end unions became quite militant in attempting to hold their gains; they were usually defeated. Membership grew from 4.1 million in 1914 to 6.5 million in 1918, peaking at 8.3 million in 1920 before relapsing to 5.4 million in 1923.
1920s The immediate postwar era saw a series of radical events, stimulated in part by the
Russian Revolution of 1917. The trade unions, especially in Scotland, were militant. However the government compromised, and as the economy stabilised in the early 1920s the labour unions moved sharply to the right. An exception came with the coal miners' union, which faced lower wages in a declining industry hurt by lower prices, severe competition from oil, and sharply declining productivity in Britain's ageing coal mines. Both in 1920 and in 1921, there were more labour disputes than at any time in the inter-war period, except in 1926. The
1926 general strike was declared by the Trades Union Congress for the benefit of the coal miners, but it failed. It was a nine-day nationwide walkout of one million railwaymen, transport workers, printers, dockers, ironworkers and steelworkers supporting the 1.5 million coal miners who had been locked out. Ultimately many miners returned to work, and were forced to accept longer hours and lower pay. Additionally, in 1927 the government passed sweeping anti-union legislation under the
Trade Disputes and Trade Union Act 1927. This imposed major curbs on union power, including outlawing sympathetic strikes and mass picketing, and ensuring that civil service unions were banned from affiliating with the TUC. The 1926 general strike was considered a grave mistake by TUC leaders such as
Ernest Bevin. Most historians treat it as a singular event with few long-term consequences, but
Martin Pugh says it accelerated the movement of working-class voters to the Labour Party, which led to future gains. The 1927 Act made general strikes illegal and ended the automatic payment of union members to the Labour Party. That act was repealed by the
Trade Disputes and Trade Unions Act 1946.
Foreign policy and the 1930s The foreign policy of the trade unions was generally anti-Communist. Support for the Republican cause in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–39 was widespread on the left, attendees included conservatives and liberals as well. However, the Labour Party leadership deeply distrusted the communist element and rejected proposed unity campaigns. The British
Trades Union Congress (TUC) split on support for
non-intervention in the
Spanish Civil War, but the leaders
Walter Citrine and
Ernest Bevin used their block votes to pass motions supporting non-intervention at the TUC Congress in September 1936, making non-intervention a TUC policy. Like the
Labour Party (which had also formerly supported non-intervention), between October 1936 and June 1937 and under pressure from the
LSI and the
International Federation of Trade Unions, Citrine, Bevin and the TUC repudiated non-intervention. Communists did however occupy local positions of power especially in the coal miners' union. While involvement in foreign policy went poorly, British trade unions grew dramatically in membership and power during the Second World War.
Second World War Trade unions Unions became well represented in the war cabinet after
Winston Churchill came to power in May 1940. He appointed
Ernest Bevin, the general secretary of the
Transport and General Workers' Union, as the
Minister of Labour and National Service Furthermore other Labour Party leaders shared power equally with Conservatives in the new national government. Churchill named Labour Party leader
Clement Attlee as his chief deputy with primary responsibility for home affairs. Trade unions gave strong cooperation to the war effort and at first strikes were minimized. Union membership grew by a third from 1938, reaching 8.2 million in 1943. According to historian
Margaret Gowing, the mobilization of Britain's workforce to meet enormous wartime demands in munitions production came in three distinct phases. In the initial phase leading up to May 1940, efforts to mobilize manpower were largely ineffective and fell short of meeting the nation's escalating labour demands. The second phase (spring 1940 - mid-1943) witnessed a remarkably efficient organization and deployment of both men and women into essential roles across key industries and vital government services. This period marked the pinnacle of Britain's manpower mobilization capabilities. With victory in sight, from mid-1943 onward, Britain's capacity to sustain its war effort became increasingly constrained by the shortage of additional manpower reserves to draw upon. Strike activity now became a major concern. Although illegal, there were 1,800 strikes in 1943, costing 1.8 million working days. Coal strikes accounted for much of the inaction. With millions of men in uniform, Britain had reached the limits of its available civilian workforce. Overall, the government grappled with the immense challenge of effectively marshaling its human resources to meet the unprecedented labour requirements imposed by a total war. The British unions made urgent appeals for military help to American unions in 1939-1941. There was friction in coordinating foreign policies when the U.S. entered the war. This was especially tense regarding support for the Soviet war effort. Unions in the UK and US were sidelined and played no major role in the creation of the United Nations in 1945.
Since 1945 The unexpected landslide of the Labour Party in 1945 gave it a strong voice in national affairs, especially with
Ernest Bevin as Foreign Minister. Trade unions reached their peak of membership, visibility, prestige and political power in the postwar era. A broad "
post-war consensus" accepted their status, and they were heavily represented in the leadership of the Labour Party. By the 1970s their power had grown further, but their prestige was in decline and the consensus disappeared. In the 1980s the Conservative Party led by Margaret Thatcher deliberately and significantly weakened the trade union movement. It has never recovered. The strong anti-communist policy persisted in the postwar era. The unions gave strong support to British participation in the
Cold War and
NATO, as well as international bodies such as the
international Confederation of Free Trade Unions that excluded communist unions of the sort that joined the Soviet-dominated
World Federation of Trade Unions. In some unions, especially the
National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), the Communists did have some power, as typified by
Mick McGahey, vice-president from 1972 to 1987, and
Arthur Scargill, the president from 1982 to 2002. More effective in the Communist cause was
Ken Gill, president of a large union and in 1974 the first Communist elected in decades to the
TUC General Council. He focused on racial issues. British unions collaborated with the
AFL-CIO in the United States on international projects. In the 1980s, worldwide union attention focused on the
Solidarity union movement in Poland, which finally succeeded in breaking the communist control of that country.
Norman Willis, the general secretary of the TUC, vigorously promoted union support for Solidarity. The nuclear disarmament movement, which played a major role in Labour Party internal politics in the 1980s, was primarily a middle-class movement that had little support in the labour movement.
1978–79 Major strike action by British unions during the 1978–1979 Winter of Discontent contributed to the downfall of the Labour government of
James Callaghan. Callaghan, himself a trade-unionist, had previously appealed for unions to exercise pay restraint, as part of the British Government's policies at the time to try to curb rampant inflation. His attempt to try to limit unions to a 5% pay rise led to widespread official and unofficial strikes across the country during the winter of that year. Official and unofficial strike action by lorry drivers, rail workers, nurses and ambulance drivers precipitated a feeling of crisis in the country. The effects of the union action caused a major swing in voting intention. In November 1978, a Gallup poll suggested a 5% Labour lead in the opinion polls. Following the union action that Winter, in February 1979, the Conservatives had a 20% lead.
Thatcher and 1980s Callaghan's government fell and
Margaret Thatcher's Conservatives
swept to victory in the subsequent general election and introduced new union laws in part to combat the industrial unrest that had plagued the previous Wilson and Callaghan governments. The unions in turn were her bitter enemies. Thatcher saw strong trade unions as an obstacle to economic growth and in the
Employment Act 1980 and
Employment Act 1982 passed restrictive legislation of the sort the Tories had long avoided. In his memoirs, the
Secretary of State for Employment at the time,
Norman Tebbit, said of the 1982 Act: "I have no doubt that Act was my greatest achievement in Government and I believe it has been one of the principal pillars on which the Thatcher economic reforms have been built." The
National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) had long been one of the strongest labour unions. Its strikes had toppled the Heath government in the 1970s. However, the miners were not successful in their 1984-1985 strike. A strike was called by the Yorkshire region of the NUM in protest against proposed pit closures, invoking a regional ballot result from 1981. The National Executive Committee, led by
Arthur Scargill, chose not to hold a national ballot on a national strike, as was conventional, but to declare the strike to be a matter for each region of the NUM to enforce. Scargill defied public opinion, a trait Prime Minister Thatcher exploited when she used the
Ridley Plan, drafted in 1977, to defeat the strike. Subsequently, over several decades, almost all the mines were shut down. More than 6,000 printing workers went on strike in 1986 in the
Wapping dispute, for what they and their union saw as "unacceptable" terms of employment for jobs at
The Sun newspaper's new HQ in
Wapping. They too lost.
New Labour and the 21st century New Labour Although the Labour Party won the
1997 general election,
Tony Blair's
New Labour was much less influenced by the unions than former Labour governments had been and Blair himself "[did] not bother to disguise his disdain for British trade unionism". Blair's government also refused to repeal many of Thatcher's anti-union laws, despite the trade unions having provided most of the funding for his election campaign. This shift in Labour Party policy and rhetoric has been linked to a broader decline of traditional class-focused rhetoric by trade unions in Britain.
2010s during the
2011 public sector strikes In the
2010 Labour leadership election, trade unions were instrumental in
Ed Miliband's victory over
his brother when he won the support of three of Britain's four biggest unions. This led to Miliband being regularly depicted as in the debt of the unions, earning the nickname 'Red Ed'. 76 percent of
state-funded schools were affected, with 62 percent of school being forced to close entirely. 79,000
NHS staff (about 14.5 percent of the workforce) also went on strike. According to the
Office for National Statistics, 1.39 million working days were lost due to the strike.
Membership decline Membership declined steeply in the 1980s and 1990s, falling from 13 million in 1979 to around 7.3 million in 2000. In 2012, union membership dropped below 6 million for the first time since the 1940s. From 1980 to 1998, the proportion of employees who were union members fell from 52% to 30%. In 2021, it was reported that trade union membership had more than halved since 1979, when 53 percent of workers were union members. ==Academic journals==