Population growth for data since 1900) Nowadays, very few will disagree with McKeown that the late 19th century surge of the population in the western world can be mainly ascribed to a fall in mortality and not to a rise in fertility. This was not that evident when he first published
The Modern Rise in Population in 1976. Benson (1976) in a critical review of his book wrote that McKeown had insufficiently shown
that it was mortality that fell and not fertility that rose to cause the population growth. In 1981, Wrigley and Schofield published an authoritative study on
The Population History of England 1541–1871. Among many valuable findings on historical demography, and for the pre-industrial time largely based on studies of parish registers, they may in hindsight have overinterpreted the frequent birth peaks as evidence that an increase of the birth-rate was the predominant influence before the mid-nineteenth century. Already in 1974, Flinn described that such birth peaks were usually preceded by a period of mortality crises; however, as Flinn extensively describes, in times of turmoil deaths may not always have been accurately registered. Furthermore, as McKeown explained, it is very hard to biologically understand how a higher standard of living in early industrialisation could have selectively favoured fertility without decreasing mortality. Although he may have been unduly critical by stating that
I should therefore explain that I do not think there is any treatment of the deficient material from the registers that would make it reliable [McKeown, 1988, page 9], his criticism was well taken. The authors also appreciated the pre-industrial demographic patterns characterised by mortality peaks followed by fertility boosts. They however explained the initial phase of the population growth during the transition from late agricultural to early-industrial civilisation not so much by a decrease in mortality, as McKeown's had postulated, but by a
stabilisation of mortality as Flinn (1974) called it. started in Britain in the late 18th century and on the European continent about a half century later. Still in 2002, some critics of McKeown described this demographic controversy as one of his many flaws,|297x297px Wealth and health: nowadays it is hard to imagine that only forty years ago there were scientists who doubted seriously that an increased standard of living was the main drive behind the growth of population, better health and a longer life expectancy. This doubt was probably cast by an idealisation of the living conditions of pre-historical hunters and gatherers, or by a nostalgic call for a return to the flower power of ancient agricultural life. This became known as the
Malthusian trap. That Western population grew despite the vices of industrialisation was one of the main arguments why McKeown put so much emphasis on one of the few virtues of early industrialisation: the country was able to produce and provide more and better food for the people. Flinn (1971) already found for the pre-industrial 18th century that mortality crises were less than in the 17th century, and explained that by reduced fluctuations in
food prices and fewer and less severe periods of famine by increased food imports during periods of failed crops, and by an agricultural transition from monoculture (grain) to more diverse products (rice, maize and buckwheat in the south, and potatoes in the north).|294x294px Since McKeown first proposed his thesis, several historians of economics have gathered supportive evidence for the McKeown thesis.
Up to about 1898, changes in the biological standard of living were closely related to changes in the availability of food. After ~1898, the curves start to diverge: although the average caloric intake did not further increase, both body-length and life expectancy did increase until 1940. This also corroborates McKeown's assertion that public health measures started to boost the well-being of the population during the 20th century. However, the strong correlation between calorie intake and longevity is not a proof that nutrition was the only reason for the decline of mortality, although it is an indispensable condition. As
Angus Deaton concluded (page 92): but that other environmental improvements which came with more wealth, i.e. hygienic measures, had to work at the same time. Many studies gave convincing arguments that Public Health measures such as better housing, clean water supply, sewage and sanitation, vaccination and
health education improving personal hygiene may, in western Europe, have become increasingly important since the end of the 19th century. McKeown himself, in
The Origins of Human Disease, fully acknowledged this 20th century role of Public Health. A semantic problem, as pointed out by Simon Szreter (2002), is that Public Health is a poorly defined field of medicine in the twilight zone between the responsibility of the state or government and health care provided by physicians and nurses. The drilling of clean water wells, the construction of sewage systems, and legislation resulting in better housing, better education and improved working conditions is in most countries the responsibilities of the state, and it is surely not a good idea to make a public health professional responsible for the drilling, masonry and the enforcement of housing regulation. McKeown was not a politician, and it is quite absurd to hold him responsible for the
virtual dismantlement (of public health)
during the last 2 decades of the 20th century. that the mortality reduction from vaccines was marginal, and that from antibiotics could not be demonstrated. McKeown gave similar results for England and Wales, showing that the mortality from infectious diseases was already so very low by the time that these treatments were introduced in medical practice, that they have contributed little to the reduction of overall mortality and the population growth. An example that he repeatedly used was the falling mortality from
tuberculosis in England and Wales since the 19th century, well before the introduction of the first effective antibiotic drug in 1947 and BCG vaccination in 1954. By the time of the introduction of
streptomycin, the first effective antibiotic drug, in 1947 and BCG-vaccination in 1954, the mortality rate from
tuberculosis had already dropped to 33,1 per 100,000, a 91% decrease. However, he found that specific age groups did show an accelerated decrease in mortality after introduction of streptomycin. Remarkably, the authors of this Dutch study considered their results as evidence that McKeown's theory was wrong, and the study is therefore frequently cited to refute instead of confirm McKeown's thesis. ==Books==