Walungu Territory was officially created by Presidential Decree No. 65-221 on 3 May 1967, and it was further amended by Decree No. 82-006 on 25 February 1982.
Conflict and insecurity Kwilu Rebellion and First Congo War during
Shaba I in April 1977 Walungu Territory has a tumultuous history marked by conflict and insecurity, stemming from a combination of internal and external factors. In the late 1960s, the region played a significant role during the
Mulelist insurgency, where the
Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC) achieved a key victory against the insurgency. During the
First Congo War from 1996 to 1997, the region became a battleground due to its strategic location and access to valuable resources. The conflict involved multiple armed groups, including the
Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL),
Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), and
Forces Armées Burundaises (FAB). The AFDL, led by
Laurent-Désiré Kabila, emerged as a rebel movement aiming to overthrow the regime of President
Mobutu Sese Seko in
Zaire. The AFDL received significant support from RPA, led by
Paul Kagame, due to concerns about the presence of
Rwandan Hutu militias in eastern Zaire. However, reports, including those from the
United Nations Security Council, also implicated the AFDL and its allies in massacres and the systematic looting of Zaire's mineral wealth. In 1996, Walungu Territory was home to a large number of refugee camps as part of the broader "Bukavu camps" network, which housed an estimated 307,499 refugees across Walungu,
Kabare, and
Kalehe territories. These camps sheltered Rwandan and Burundian refugees who had fled previous conflicts. As the AFDL-RPA troops advanced towards
Bukavu, they targeted these camps, often with brutal tactics. On 20 October 1996, AFDL-RPA forces attacked the
Kamanyola refugee camp in Walungu Territory, killing an unknown number of refugees and Zairean civilians, with bodies reportedly dumped into
pit latrines. Allegations also surfaced that the
United States provided military assistance to Rwanda before the conflict, reportedly to secure access to the DRC's rich natural resources. A U.S. Army Rwanda Interagency Assessment Team (RIAT) was deployed in July 1998 to train Rwandan military units. Some reports, including those by
war correspondent Keith Harmon Snow, implicated U.S. figures such as Roger Winter of the
U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants in supporting insurgencies. This decision infuriated Rwanda and Uganda, prompting them to support a new rebel faction, the
Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie-Goma (RCD-Goma). On 2 August 1998, mutinous Congolese troops allied with Rwanda and Uganda announced their rebellion via
Radio-Télévision Nationale Congolaise (RTNC) in
Goma. The RCD-Goma, heavily supported by Rwanda, swiftly captured Goma without resistance. The city remained under RCD-Goma and RPA control for nearly three years, from August 1998 to January 2001. That same month, RCD-Goma and RPA forces launched violent raids in Bukavu, killing, raping, and terrorizing civilians, particularly in
Kadutu and
Ibanda. Despite its rapid territorial gains, the RCD-Goma struggled to control rural areas due to its Tutsi-dominated leadership, dependence on Rwanda, and violent repression of civilians. However, fighting persisted in many parts of the country, particularly in the eastern provinces. Efforts to reach a political settlement gained momentum with the signing of peace agreements between the DRC and its main foreign adversaries, Rwanda and Uganda, in 2002. In late 2002, senior figures in RCD-Goma sought to consolidate their control by negotiating with the political wing of the Mudundu 40 Mayi-Mayi movement. Led by Odilon Kurhenga Muzimu and Patient Mwendanga, the political faction agreed to collaborate in neutralizing the movement's military wing, which was commanded by Albert Kahasha Murhula (Foka Mike) and had fortified positions in Burhale. However, the eastern DRC remained volatile, with numerous armed factions continuing to operate beyond state control. Another source of ongoing conflict is the traditional power struggle and the presence of vigilance committees; armed groups formed to protect
local communities. Nonetheless, their presence has also generated internal tensions and conflicts. The head of the
Ngweshe Chiefdom's decision to depose the leader of the
Kaniola groupement without providing a justifiable reason fueled tensions. This expulsion, coupled with the existence of armed vigilance committees and the popularity of Foka Mike, a local figure, further aggravated the power struggle and accusations of militancy. Civil society in Kaniola and other parts of the region has voiced grievances against the chieftaincy chief, accusing him of lacking transparency and disregarding the demands and expectations of local populations. Parenthetically, the issue of access to land has become a severe source of insecurity. The competition between
customary land practices and formal
land law has created conflicts over
land management and access. Customary land rights, often precarious and unprotected, leave many farmers susceptible to dispossession and exploitation by influential private individuals who convert large portions of land into private plantations. This plight has exacerbated land inequalities, as
small-scale producers are constrained to rent land from large landowners under insecure
oral agreements. == Economy ==