The
caretaker government, led by Churchill, was heavily defeated. The Labour Party led by Attlee won a landslide victory and gained a majority of 146 seats. It was the first election in which Labour gained a majority of seats and the first in which it won a plurality of votes. The election was a disaster for the
Liberal Party, which lost all of its urban seats, and marked its transition from being a party of government to a party of the political fringe. Its leader,
Archibald Sinclair, lost his rural seat of
Caithness and Sutherland. That was the last general election until
2019 in which a major party leader lost their seat, but Sinclair lost only by six votes in a very tight three-way contest. The
Liberal National Party fared even worse by losing two-thirds of its seats and falling behind the Liberals in seat count for the first time since the parties split in 1931. It was the final election that the Liberal Nationals fought as an autonomous party, as they merged with the Conservative Party two years later although they continued to exist as a subsidiary party of the Conservatives until 1968. Future prominent figures who entered Parliament included
Harold Wilson,
James Callaghan,
Barbara Castle,
Michael Foot and
Hugh Gaitskell. Future Conservative Prime Minister
Harold Macmillan lost his seat, but he returned to Parliament at a
by-election later that year.
Reasons for Labour victory following Labour's 1945 election victory
Ralph Ingersoll reported in late 1940: The historian
Henry Pelling, noting that polls showed a steady Labour lead after 1942, pointed to long-term forces that caused the Labour landslide: the usual swing against the party in power, the Conservative loss of initiative, wide fears of a return to the high unemployment of the 1930s, the theme that socialist planning would be more efficient in operating the economy, and the mistaken belief that Churchill would continue as prime minister regardless of the result.
Labour strengths suggested that a British victory would lead to positive social change, like
slum clearance. Churchill considered the poster "a disgraceful libel on the conditions prevailing in Great Britain before the war" and ordered it suppressed. The greatest factor in Labour's dramatic win appeared to be its policy of
social reform. In one opinion poll, 41% of respondents considered housing to be the most important issue that faced the country, 15% stated the Labour policy of full employment, 7% mentioned social security, 6% nationalisation, and just 5% international security, which was emphasised by the Conservatives. The
Beveridge Report, published in 1942, proposed the creation of a welfare state. It called for a dramatic turn in British social policy, with provision for
nationalised healthcare, expansion of
state-funded education,
National Insurance and a new
housing policy. The report was extremely popular, and copies of its findings were widely purchased, turning it into a best-seller. The Labour Party adopted the report eagerly, and the Conservatives (including Churchill, who did not regard the reforms as socialist) accepted many of the principles of the report, but claimed that they were not affordable. Labour offered a new comprehensive welfare policy, reflecting a consensus that social changes were needed. The Conservatives were not willing to make the same changes that Labour proposed, and appeared out of step with public opinion. Labour played to the concept of "winning the peace" that would follow the war. Possibly for that reason, there was especially strong support for Labour in the
armed services, which feared the
unemployment and
homelessness to which the soldiers of the
First World War had returned. It has been claimed that the left-wing bias of teachers in the armed services was a contributing factor, but that argument has generally not carried much weight, and the failure of the Conservative governments in the 1920s to deliver a "land fit for heroes" was likely more important. Labour had also been given during the war the opportunity to display to the electorate its domestic competence in government, under men such as Attlee as
Deputy Prime Minister,
Herbert Morrison at the
Home Office and
Ernest Bevin at the
Ministry of Labour. The differing wartime strategies of the two parties likewise gave Labour an advantage. Labour continued to attack prewar Conservative governments for their inactivity in tackling Hitler, reviving the economy and rearming Britain, but Churchill was less interested in furthering his party, much to the chagrin of many of its members and MPs.
Conservative weaknesses Though voters respected and liked Churchill's wartime record, they were more distrustful of the Conservative Party's domestic and foreign policy record in the late 1930s. Churchill and the Conservatives are also generally considered to have run a poor campaign in comparison to Labour. Churchill's personal popularity remained high; hence, the Conservatives were confident of victory and based much of their election campaign on that, rather than proposing new programmes. However, people distinguished between Churchill and his party, a contrast that Labour repeatedly emphasised throughout the campaign. Voters also harboured doubts over Churchill's ability to lead the country on the domestic front. The writer and soldier
Anthony Burgess remarked that Churchill, who then often wore a colonel's uniform, was not nearly as popular with soldiers at the front as with officers and civilians. Burgess noted that Churchill often smoked
cigars in front of soldiers who had not had a decent
cigarette in days. In addition to the poor Conservative general election strategy, Churchill went so far as to accuse Attlee of seeking to behave as a dictator, despite Attlee's service as part of Churchill's war cabinet. In the most famous incident of the campaign, Churchill's first election broadcast on 4 June backfired dramatically and memorably. Denouncing his former coalition partners, he declared that Labour "would have to fall back on some form of a
Gestapo" to impose
socialism on Britain. Attlee responded the next night by ironically thanking the prime minister for demonstrating to the people the difference between "Churchill the great wartime leader" and "Churchill the peacetime politician" and argued the case for public control of industry. Another blow to the Conservative campaign was the memory of the 1930s policy of
appeasement, conducted by Churchill's Conservative predecessors,
Neville Chamberlain and
Stanley Baldwin, that had been widely discredited for allowing
Adolf Hitler's Germany to become too powerful. Labour had strongly advocated appeasement until 1938, but the interwar period had been dominated by Conservatives. With the exception of two brief minority Labour governments in 1924 and 1929–1931, the Conservatives had been in power for all of the interwar period. As a result, the Conservatives were generally blamed for the era's mistakes: appeasement,
inflation and the
unemployment of the
Great Depression. Many voters felt that although the First World War had been won, the peace that followed had been lost. ==Results==