Afrikaner republicanism Despite the defeat of the two
Boer Republics, the
South African Republic (also known as the Transvaal) and the
Orange Free State,
republican sentiment remained strong in the
Union of South Africa among Afrikaners.
D. F. Malan broke with the
National Party of
Prime Minister J. B. M. Hertzog when it merged with the
South African Party of
Jan Smuts to form the
Gesuiwerde Nasionale Party (or "Purified National Party") which advocated a South African republic under Afrikaner control. This had the support of the secretive
Afrikaner Broederbond organisation, whose chairman,
Lodewicus du Plessis declared: National culture and national welfare cannot unfold fully if the people of South Africa do not also constitutionally sever all foreign ties. After the cultural and economic needs, the Afrikaner will have to devote his attention to the constitutional needs of our people. Added to that objective must be an entirely independent genuine, Afrikaans form of government for South Africa... a form of government which through its embodiment in our own personal head of state, bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh, will inspire us to irresistible unity and strength. In 1940, Malan, along with Hertzog, founded the
Herenigde Nasionale Party (or "Reunited National Party") which pledged to fight for "a free independent republic, separated from the British Crown and Empire", and "to remove, step by step, all anomalies which hamper the fullest expression of our national freedom". '' and later Prime Minister of South Africa from 1958 to 1966 That year, a Commission appointed by the Broederbond, met to draft a constitution for a republic; this included future National Party ministers, such as
Hendrik Verwoerd,
Albert Hertzog and
Eben Dönges. In 1942, details of a draft republican constitution were published in Afrikaans-language newspapers
Die Burger and
Die Transvaler, which provided for a State President, elected by white citizens known as
Burgers only, who would be "only responsible to God... for his deeds in the fulfilment of his duties", aided by a Community Council with exclusively advisory powers, while Afrikaans would be the first official language, with English as a supplemental language. On the matter of continued Commonwealth membership, the Broederbond's view was that "departure from the Commonwealth as soon as possible remains a cardinal aspect of our republican aim". During the visit to South Africa by King George VI and his family in 1947, the Afrikaans-language newspaper
Die Transvaler, of which Verwoerd was editor, ignored the royal tour, making reference only to "busy streets" in
Johannesburg. By contrast, the newspaper of the far-right
Ossewa Brandwag openly denounced the tour, proclaiming that "in the name of this monarchy, 27 000 Boer women and children were murdered for the sake of gold and their fatherland".
National Party in government In 1948, the
National Party, now led by
D. F. Malan, came to power, although it did not campaign for a republic during the
election, instead favouring remaining in the Commonwealth, thereby appealing to Afrikaners who otherwise might have voted for the
United Party of
Jan Smuts. This decision to downplay the republic question and focus on race issues was influenced by
N C Havenga, the leader of the
Afrikaner Party, which was in alliance with the National Party in the election. Malan's successor as Prime Minister,
J G Strijdom, also downplayed the republic issue, stating that no steps would be taken towards that end before 1958. However, he later reaffirmed his party's commitment to a republic, as well as a single
national flag. Strijdom stated that the matter of whether South Africa would be a republic inside or outside the Commonwealth would be decided "with a view to circumstances then prevailing". Like his precessor, Strijdom declared the party's belief that a republic could only be proclaimed on the basis "of the broad will of the people". On becoming Prime Minister in 1958, Verwoerd gave a speech to Parliament in which he declared that: This has indeed been the basis of our struggle all these years: nationalism against imperialism. This has been the struggle since 1910: a republic as opposed to the monarchical connection... We stand unequivocally and clearly for the establishment of the republic in the correct manner and at the appropriate time. In 1960, Verwoerd announced plans to hold a whites-only referendum on the establishment of a republic, with a bill to that effect being introduced in Parliament on 23 April of that year. The Referendum Act received assent on 3 June 1960. He stated that a simple majority in favour of the change would be decisive, although minimal changes would be made to the existing constitutional structures. Before he was succeeded by Verwoerd as Prime Minister in 1958, Strijdom had lowered the voting age for whites from 21 to 18.
Afrikaners, who were more likely to favour the National Party than
English-speaking
whites, were also on average younger than them, with a higher birth rate. In addition,
Coloureds were no longer enfranchised as voters and were not eligible to vote in the referendum. In hopes of winning the support of those opposed to a republic, not only English-speaking whites but Afrikaners still supporting the United Party, Verwoerd proposed that constitutional changes would be minimal, with the Queen simply being replaced as head of state by a
State President, the office of which would be a ceremonial post rather than an executive one.
Wind of Change speech Earlier, in February of that year,
British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan had given a
speech to the
Parliament in
Cape Town, in which he spoke of the inevitability of decolonisation in Africa, and appeared critical of South Africa's
apartheid policies. This prompted Verwoerd to declare in the
House of Assembly: It was not the Republic of South Africa that was told, 'We are not going to support you in this respect.' Those words were addressed to the monarchy of South Africa, and yet we have the same monarch as this person from Britain who addressed these words to us. It was a warning given to all of us, English-speaking and Afrikaans-speaking, republican and anti-republican. It was clear to all of us that as far as these matters are concerned, we shall have to stand on our own feet. Many English-speaking whites, who had regarded Britain as their spiritual home, felt disillusionment and a sense of loss, including
Douglas Edgar Mitchell, the United Party's leader in Natal. Despite his opposition to Verwoerd's plans for a republic, Mitchell spoke in vehement opposition to many points of Macmillan's speech.
Opposition to republic in Natal in opposition to the plans for a republic, signed by 33,000 Natalians. Drawing cheering crowds of 2,000 people in
Durban and 1,500 in
Pietermaritzburg, the League became the largest political organisation in Natal, with 28 branches across the province, with Selby calling for 80,000 signatories to the Covenant. Inspired by the
Ulster Covenant of 1912, the Natal Covenant read: Being convinced in our consciences that a republic would be disastrous to the material well-being of Natal as well as of the whole of South Africa, subversive of our freedom and destructive of our citizenship, we, whose names are underwritten, men and women of Natal, loyal subjects of Her Gracious Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Second, do hereby pledge ourselves in solemn covenant, throughout this our time of threatened calamity, to stand by one another in defending the Crown, and in using all means which may be found possible and necessary to defeat the present intention to set up a republic in South Africa. And in the event of a republic being forced upon us, we further solemnly and mutually pledge ourselves to refuse to recognise its authority. In sure confidence that God will defend the right, we hereto subscribe our names. GOD SAVE THE QUEEN. Between May 1956 and June 1958, the anti-republican Freedom Radio, set up by John Lang, broadcast from the Natal Midlands, later resuming broadcasts shortly before the referendum in October 1960 until the proclamation of the republic in May 1961.
Black South African opinion Black South Africans, who were denied a vote in the referendum, were not against the establishment of a republic
per se, but saw the new constitution as a direct rejection of the principle of one person, one vote, as expressed in the
Freedom Charter, drafted by the
African National Congress and its allies in the
Congress Alliance. Despite its opposition to the monarchy and the Commonwealth, the ANC sought to mobilise white and black opposition to the republic, seeing it as an attempt by Verwoerd to consolidate the white grip on power. == Campaign ==