to place
Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani on its wanted list The prosecutor
Alberto Nisman accused Iran in 2006 of directing the attack, and the
Hezbollah militia of carrying it out. In 2018 judicial authorities announced that former President
Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner would face trial on charges she covered up the role of Iranians in bombing. Federal Judge Claudio Bonadio said that eleven other former officials and people close to Kirchner's government would also be tried on charges of cover-up and abuse of power. Kirchner has denied the charges. No suspects have been convicted for the bombing and there have been a number of allegations made, with later investigations charging the government of Iran. The investigations were marred by incompetence. In 1999 an arrest warrant was issued against Hezbollah member
Imad Mugniyah in connection with the attack. and indicted several senior Iranian officials, including
Hashemi Rafsanjani and
Ahmad Vahidi, as well as Hezbollah's
Imad Mughniyah. It was speculated that Hezbollah was exacting revenge for Israel killing 40 people in
Baalbek, Lebanon on 2 June 1994. In 2007, several of the charged were placed on
Interpol's most wanted list, though bylaws prevented listing top officials such as Rafsanjani. In August 2021, two of the charged suspects,
Ahmad Vahidi and
Mohsen Rezaee, were appointed to government of
Ebrahim Raisi in the posts of interior minister and vice president of economic affairs, respectively.
Claim of responsibility Shortly after the attack Ansar Allah, a
Palestinian Jihadist organization widely held as a front for
Hezbollah, reportedly claimed responsibility for the attack, and for the
Alas Chiricanas Flight 901 bombing via leaflets distributed in
Sidon and a communique in the Lebanese newspaper
An-Nahar. Hussein had been identified by FBI and Argentine intelligence, and corroborated by at least three witnesses. According to official Argentine government prosecutor,
Alberto Nisman, Hussein's two U.S.-based brothers had testified that he had joined the radical Shia militant group Hezbollah. "The brothers' testimony was substantial, rich in detail and showed that he was the one who was killed," Nisman added.
Juan José Galeano's investigations Federal judge Juan José Galeano followed investigations concerning the "local connection", which included members of the
Policía Bonaerense (
Buenos Aires Provincial Police). He quickly arrested Carlos Telleldín, alleged to have provided the van used in the bombing, and some 20 officers from the Bonaerense. But a video broadcast on Argentine TV showed him offering Telleldín $400,000, in return for evidence, which led to Galeano's removal from the case in 2003, and his
impeachment in August 2005. Judge Galeano had also issued warrants for the arrests of 12 Iranians, including Hade Soleimanpour, Iran's
ambassador to Argentina in 1994. The latter was arrested in the UK on 21 August 2003, at the request of the Argentine authorities. He was later released because, according to the
Home Office, there was not even enough evidence presented to make a
prima facie case for the extradition to proceed. Judge Galeano also interviewed Abolghasem Mesbahi, aka "Witness C", an alleged former Iranian intelligence officer who reportedly said a former Argentine president accepted a $10 million payment from Tehran to block the investigation. Former President
Carlos Menem denied the claims, but admitted he had a secret
Swiss bank account following a report in
The New York Times. On 2 September 2004, all suspects in the "local connection" (among whom members of the Buenos Aires police) of AMIA case were found to be not guilty. Five persons, including four policemen, were therefore acquitted because of lack of evidence. On 3 August 2005, Judge Galeano's impeachment was successful, and he was formally removed from his post as a federal judge for "serious" irregularities and his mishandling of the investigation. Judge Galeano has denied these allegations. In 2006, the
Court of Cassation declared that the previous court had made a false version of the investigated acts in order to cover irresponsibilities.
Investigations under Néstor Kirchner's government Néstor Kirchner's government issued a
decree in July 2005 formally accepting a share of the blame for the failure of investigations about the attack. He called the unresolved investigations a "national disgrace." suspected in 2005 that
Hezbollah was behind the attack, with backing from Iran. Hezbollah has denied responsibility. The Iranian government maintains its innocence, condemning the terrorist attack and calling for urgent punishment of those responsible. On 25 October 2006, prosecutors in Buenos Aires formally charged Iran and
Shi'a militia Hezbollah with the bombing, accusing the Iranian authorities of directing Hezbollah to carry out the attack and calling for the arrest of former President of Iran
Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani and seven others, including some who still hold official positions in Iran. The Iranian defense minister,
Ahmad Vahidi was accused of masterminding the attack. Argentine's government required the extradition of those accused of the attack but Iran has always refused to accept the verdict of the Argentine's Justice. In November 2007, Interpol on behalf of the Argentine government, published the names of six individuals (
Imad Mughniyah,
Ali Fallahijan,
Mohsen Rabbani,
Ahmad Reza Asghari,
Ahmad Vahidi and
Mohsen Rezaee) officially accused for their role in the terrorist attack. They were entered in the
Interpol red notice list. According to Hoseyni, the accusations were intended to divert "world attention from the perpetration of crimes by the Zionists against women and children in Palestine". On 6 March 2007, former Congressman
Mario Cafiero and former government official Luis D'Elia said they had traveled to Iran where they had received "evidence" from the Iranian government. The evidence alleged that two of the AMIA witnesses were "terrorist dissidents". They also said that there were arrest warrants issued by Interpol for the other two Iranians, Hadi Roshanravani and
Hamid Reza Eshagi. D'Elia accused the United States government of reaching an "agreement" with the AMIA witnesses in exchange for their testimony. Laura Ginsber, head of APEMIA ("Agrupacion por el Esclarecimiento de la Masacre Impue de la AMIA) responded that D'Elia's trip to Iran was "not innocent", and that it could be linked with "trying to generate business with Iran".
Developments under Cristina Fernández de Kirchner's government In November 2008, Carlos Menem was called to testify in an upcoming trial over the AMIA case. In March 2009, a former investigator in the case,
Claudio Lifschitz, claimed he was abducted and tortured by men who told him not to investigate SIDE's involvement in the case. In August 2009,
BBC News reported that
Ahmad Vahidi had become Iran's
defense minister-designate under the 2009
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad administration, and is on
Interpol's
wanted list over the AMIA bombing. Vahidi led a unit of Iran's
Revolutionary Guard called
Quds Force at the time of the attack, and has been accused of planning the bombings. Iran dismissed this development as a "Zionist plot". On 1 June 2011,
Bolivia apologized to Argentina for Ahmad Vahidi's unannounced visit to the country, and announced that he would be leaving Bolivia immediately. On 31 March 2012, Menem was ordered to stand trial for obstruction of justice in the probe of the AMIA bombing. Menem is accused of helping to cover up the tracks of local accomplices of the attackers. In 2012, Argentina's President
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner announced at the
United Nations General Assembly that Iran and Argentina would meet to discuss Iranian involvement in the attacks. In 2014 she also criticized her country's Jewish leaders for not supporting Argentina's pact with Iran in order to jointly investigate the 1994 AMIA bombing attack: shows the "red alerts" against the imputed Iranian citizens, to "unmask the lies of Nisman," as he said. My country is the only country of the Americas other than the United States of America that was the target of terrorist attacks: one in 1992 when the embassy of Israel was blown up, and the second in 1994 when the headquarters of the Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina (AMIA) was bombed. This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the bombing of AMIA. I dare say before this Assembly—in the presence of some of the family members of the victims who have always been with us—that the Government headed by President Kirchner did the utmost and went the greatest lengths to uncover the real culprits, not only because it opened all my country's intelligence files and created a special prosecutor investigation unit, but also because, when in 2006 the justice system of my country accused Iranian citizens of involvement in the bombing of AMIA, I myself was the only President who dared to propose asking the Islamic Republic of Iran to cooperate with and assist in the investigation. That request was made intermittently from 2007 to 2011, until the Islamic Republic of Iran finally agreed to a bilateral meeting, allowing it to be included in the agenda. That meeting led to the signing by both countries of a memorandum of understanding on legal cooperation that allowed for the Iranian citizens who had been accused, and who live in Tehran, to be deposed before the judge. But what happened when we signed that memorandum? It seemed as if all hell had broken out, both nationally and internationally. The Jewish associations that had sought our support for so many years and that had come here with us to ask for help turned against us, and when an agreement was finally reached on legal cooperation they accused us of complicity with the State of Iran. The same thing happened here in the United States. When the vulture funds lobbied before the United States Congress, they accused us of collaborating with the Islamic Republic of Iran, which at the time was known as the Terrorist State of Iran. They even lobbied on their websites, posting pictures of me on the Internet with former President Ahmadinejad as if we were business partners. Just this week, we learned that the iconic Waldorf Astoria hotel, in this city, was the setting for a meeting between the Secretary of State of this country and his Iranian counterpart. We are not criticizing them. Quite the contrary, anything that represents dialogue and understanding seems very good to us. But we wish to ask those who have been accusing Iran of being a terrorist State. Argentina's Foreign Minister
Hector Timerman and Iranian Foreign Minister
Ali Akbar Salehi met on the sidelines of the UN in
New York and promised to continue talks until the 1990s bombings are resolved. ==Memorandum of understanding==