When it declared its independence from
Yugoslavia on 8 September 1991, Macedonia was the only ex-
Yugoslav republic that was able to secede non-violently from the federation. Because of this, Macedonia was considered one of the bright spots in the former
Yugoslavia. Although Macedonia had seceded from
Yugoslavia as one of its poorest regions,
socio-economic interventions undertaken by the consecutive democratically elected governments managed to improve the economic picture in the country. According to the
International Crisis Group, there was nearly 3% growth in 1999. The second half of 2000 also saw steady growth, leading to a 5% GDP increase for the year. In January 2001, the government projected a budget surplus for the second year in a row. In 2000 the country's emerging middle class began buying new cars, adding extensions to apartments and planning summer vacations abroad. Although the
ethnic Macedonian majority and the largest minority, the
ethnic Albanians, had co-existed uneasily both before and after the country declared independence in 1991, their relations had generally been peaceful. All of the successive Macedonian governments had included Albanian parties as coalition partners, and several problems were resolved through political dialogue. The mood was more or less optimistic until the beginning of 2001. after the mayors of
Tetovo and
Gostivar illegally hoisted the
Albanian and
Turkish flag in the town halls of Gostivar and Tetovo. The removal of the flags sparked
protests, and in Gostivar a confrontation between Macedonian police and demonstrators left three civilians dead and several injured on both sides, with police raiding homes without warrants. The
Macedonian Army was formed in 1992 with the withdrawal of the
Yugoslav National Army under the agreement that it would take all of its equipment with it, stripping the
facilities bare, and mining them for demolition, in some case even army apartments were stripped of wire and plumbing. According to
Belgrade newspapers the army removed equipment worth $14 billion and $20 billion which could equip an army of 30,000. This left Macedonia severely weakened and forced Macedonia to rely on donated surplus vehicles and outdated weaponry, the
World War II T-34/85 was the main battle tank of the Macedonian Army until the Bulgarian donation of 100
M-30 howitzers and 94
T-55 tanks in 1999. In 2001
Ukraine was the only supplier of military weapons to Macedonia based on a bilateral military cooperation agreement that started in 1999. Western officials vehemently protested Ukrainian arms shipments to Macedonia, Kyiv was visited by EU Secretary-General
Javier Solana, U.S. National Security Adviser
Condoleezza Rice, to pressure the
Ukrainian government into suspending its arms supplies to Macedonia, the Ukrainian government agreed to suspend all military sales to Macedonia in July.
Ethnic Albanian demands in Macedonia According to the 1994 census, there were 442,914
Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia, making up about 22.9% of the total population of the country (1,936,877). This made them the largest ethnic minority alongside the majority Macedonian population of 1,288,330 (66.5%). In 2001, the Albanians of Macedonia lived largely in compact settlements in the western part of Macedonia, towards the international border with
Albania. They also lived in the north-western part of Macedonia, toward the border with the
Yugoslav republic of
Serbia and the then-UN-administered
Kosovo, as well as in the Macedonian capital
Skopje and the city of
Kumanovo. They also comprised the majority of the population in the Macedonian towns of
Tetovo,
Gostivar, and
Debar. Since independence, the
Republic of Macedonia had been trying to focus on its
internal affairs. The promotion of democracy and harmonised inter-ethnic relations had been defined as the main goal of the new state. Since the first democratic elections in 1991, the
Albanians of Macedonia used all constitutional and political opportunities to play a significant political role in the country. There were several Albanian political parties, whose behaviour and rhetoric (just as in the case with the parties of the Macedonian political block), depended on whether they were in the governing
coalition or not. Despite these political fluctuations, the Albanian parties were included as coalition partners in all
post-communist Macedonian governments. The
United States Department of State reported that the following forms of discrimination against ethnic Albanians continued to exist in Macedonia: limited access to Albanian-language media and education; poor representation in public sector jobs; poor representation in the police corps; poor representation in the military officer corps; denial of citizenship to many long-time ethnic Albanian residents of Macedonia as well as discrimination in the process of citizenship applications; and unfair drawing of voting districts which dilutes their voting strength. Because of these reasons and many more,
Albanians in Macedonia began to demand greater political rights. These included making amendments to the constitution to declare the Albanians as a second titular nation of the country, recognising Albanian as a second
official language, and providing state support for the underground Albanian-language university in
Tetovo. Albanians also claimed to represent as much as 30% and even 40% of the country's population, not the 22.9% recorded in the official June 1994 census. In 1994, some Albanian politicians in Macedonia advocated for wider collective political rights. In 1994, a prominent manifestation of these demands was the declaration of an autonomous republic called "
Ilirida" in the western part of Macedonia. According to the U.S. Committee for Refugees, around 360,000
Kosovo Albanian refugees repatriated in the second half of 1999. Macedonia's ability to receive refugees was limited, because contingency planning assumed only 20,000 refugees. Despite all the difficulties, Macedonia accepted refugees according to international standards until the end of the war. The burden of having to address the needs of 360,000 refugees took its toll on Macedonia's economy. Instead of experiencing modest growth as projected for 1999, the Macedonian economy shrank by as much as 10% of GDP for the rest of 1999. Trade with
Yugoslavia, Macedonia's main trading partner, had collapsed, causing Macedonia to lose one of its most important export markets and a vital source of raw materials. Consequently, a number of factories had to close down, adding to already high unemployment. At the same time, the main transit route for Macedonian exports to most of Europe had been closed, increasing the costs for exports. State coffers, almost empty before the outbreak of the crisis, were now practically exhausted. Macedonians were worried about the possible destructive spill-over effects that could result from the newest phase of the Kosovo conflict and also feared that they had the most to lose. As a
Chicago Tribune journalist stated in March 1999, "People are afraid that after Kosovo comes Macedonia." At the same time, insurgents from the
Kosovo Liberation Army began crossing the border and entrenching themselves in Albanian-populated municipalities of the Republic. Macedonian authorities frequently intercepted and seized weapons deliveries en route to Kosovo. == Initial NLA attack ==