Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani was born in
Isfahan, Persia (present-day
Iran) but spent his youth and undertook his early studies in
Baghdad (present-day
Iraq). He was a direct descendant of the last of the
Umayyad caliphs,
Marwan II, and was thus connected with the Umayyad rulers in
al-Andalus, and seems to have kept up a correspondence with them and to have sent them some of his works. He became famous for his knowledge of early Arabian antiquities. His later life was spent in various parts of the Islamic world, including in
Aleppo with its
Hamdanid governor
Sayf ad-Dawlah (to whom he dedicated the
Book of Songs), and in
Ray with the
Buwayhid vizier Ibn 'Abbad.
Family The epithet, al-Isfahani, refers to the city,
Isfahan, on the
Iranian plateau. Instead of indicating al-Isfahani's birthplace, this epithet seems to be common to al-Isfahani's family. Every reference al-Isfahani makes to his paternal relatives includes the attributive, al-Isfahani. According to
Ibn Hazm (994–1064), some
descendants of the last
Umayyad caliph,
Marwan b. Muhammad (691–750), al-Isfahani's ancestor, settled in Isfahan. However, it has to be borne in mind that the earliest information available regarding al-Isfahani's family history only dates to the generation of his great-grandfather, Ahmad b. al-Ḥaytham, who settled in
Samarra sometime between 835–6 and 847. Based on al-Isfahani's references in the
Kitab al-Aghani (hereafter, the
Aghani), Ahmad b. al-Haytham seems to have led a privileged life in Sāmarrāʾ, while his sons were well-connected with the elite of the
Abbasid capital at that time. His son, Abd al-Aziz b. Ahmad, was "one of the high ranking scribes in the days of
al-Mutawakkil (r. 847–861) (
min kibār al-kuttāb fī ayyām al-Mutawakkil)". Another son, Muhammad b. Ahmad (
viz. al-Isfahani's grandfather), was associated with Abbasid officials, the vizier
Ibn al-Zayyāt (d. 847), the scribe Ibrahim b. al-Abbas al-Ṣūlī (792–857), and the vizier Ubaydallah b. Sulayman (d. 901), along with the
Ṭālibid notables, including al-Husayn b. al-Husayn b. Zayd, who was the leader of the
Banu Hashim. The close ties with the Abbasid court continued with Muhammad's sons, al-Hasan and al-Husayn (al-Isfahani's father). In various places in the
Aghani, al-Isfahani refers to Yahya b. Muhammad b. Thawaba (from the Al Thawaba) as his grandfather on his mother's side. It is often suggested that the family of Thawaba, being
Shi'i, bequeathed their sectarian inclination to al-Isfahani. However, the identification of the Thawaba family as Shi'is is only found in a late source,
Yaqut's (1178–1225) work. While many elite families working under the Abbasid caliphate were Shi'i-inclined, indeed allied with Alids or their partisans, there is no evidence that members of the Thawaba family embraced an extreme form of Shi'ism. In summary, al-Isfahani came from a family well-entrenched in the networks of the Abbasid elite, which included the officials and the
Alids. Despite the epithet, al-Isfahani, it does not seem that the Isfahani family had a strong connection with the city of Isfahan. Rather, the family was mainly based in Sāmarrāʾ, from the generation of Ahmad b. al-Ḥaytham, and then Baghdad. In the seats of the caliphate, a few members of the al-Isfahani family worked as scribes, while maintaining friendship or alliance with other scribes, viziers and notables. Like many of the court elite, al-Isfahani's family maintained an amicable relationship with the offspring of Ali and allied with families, such as the Thawaba family, sharing their veneration of Ali and Alids. However, it is hard to pinpoint such a reverential attitude towards Alids in terms of sectarian alignment, given the scanty information about al-Isfahani's family and the fluidity of sectarian identities at the time.
Education and career The Isfahani family's extensive network of contacts is reflected in al-Isfahani's sources. Among the direct informants whom al-Isfahani cites in his works, are members of his own family, who were further connected to other notable families, the Al Thawaba, the Banū Munajjim, the Yazīdīs, the Ṣūlīs, the Banū Ḥamdūn, the Ṭāhirids, the Banū al-Marzubān and the Ṭālibids. Given that al-Isfahani and his family very likely settled in Baghdad around the beginning of the tenth century, he interacted with a considerable number of the inhabitants of or visitors to that city, including: Jaḥẓa (d. 936), al-Khaffāf, Ali b. Sulaymān al-Akhfash (d. 927/8), and Muhammad b. Jarir al-Ṭabari (d. 922). Like other scholars of his time, al-Isfahani travelled in pursuit of knowledge. Although the details are insufficient to establish the dates of his journeys, based on the chains of transmission (
asānīd, sing.
isnād) al-Isfahani cites consistently and meticulously in every report, it is certain that he transmitted from ʿAbd al-Malik b. Maslama and ʿĀṣim b. Muhammad in Antakya; ʿAbdallāh b. Muhammad b. Ishaq in
Ahwaz; and Yahya b. Aḥmad b. al-Jawn in
Raqqa. If we accept the attribution of the
Kitab Adab al-ghuraba to al-Isfahani, he once visited
Baṣra as well as Ḥiṣn Mahdī, Mattūth, and Bājistrā. Yet, none of these cities seems to have left as much of an impact on al-Isfahani as
Kūfa and Baghdad did. While al-Isfahani's Baghdadi informants were wide-ranging in their expertise as well as sectarian and theological tendencies, his Kūfan sources can be characterised as either Shi'i or keen on preserving and disseminating memories that favoured Ali and his family. For example, Ibn ʿUqda (d. 944), mentioned in both the
Aghānī and the
Maqātil, was invariably cited for the reports about the
Alids and their merits. The journey in search for knowledge taken by al-Isfahani may not be particularly outstanding by the standard of his time, but the diversity of his sources' occupations and expertise is impressive. His informants can be assigned into one or more of the following categories: philologists and grammarians; singers and musicians; booksellers and copyists (
sahhafun or
warraqun, sing.
sahhaf or
Warraq); friends; tutors (
muʾaddibūn, sing.
muʾaddib); scribes (
kuttāb, sing.
kātib); imams or preachers (
khuṭabāʾ, sing.
khaṭīb); religious scholars (of the
ḥadīth, the Qurʾānic recitations and exegeses, or jurisprudence) and judges; poets; and
akhbārīs (transmitters of reports of all sorts, including genealogical, historical, and anecdotal reports). The variety of the narrators and their narrations enriched al-Iṣfahānī's literary output, which covers a wide range of topics from amusing tales to the accounts of the Alids' martyrdom. His erudition is best illustrated by Abu Ali al-Muhassin al-Tanukhi's (941–994) comment: "With his encyclopaedic knowledge of music, musicians, poetry, poets, genealogy, history, and other subjects, al-Iṣfahānī established himself as a learned scholar and teacher." He was also a scribe and this is not surprising, given his families’ scribal connections, but the details of his
kātib activities are rather opaque. Although both al-Tanūkhī and al-Baghdādī refer to al-Isfahani with the attribute,
kātib, they mention nothing of where he worked or for whom. The details of his occupation as a scribe only came later, with Yaqut, many of whose reports about al-Isfahani prove problematic. For instance, a report from Yaqut claims that al-Isfahani was the scribe of Rukn al-Dawla (d. 976) and mentions his resentment towards Abū al-Faḍl b. al-ʿAmīd (d. 970). However, the very same report was mentioned by Abū Ḥayyān al-Tawḥīdī (active tenth century) in his
Akhlāq al-wazīrayn, where the scribe of Rukn al-Dawla is identified as Abū al-Faraj Ḥamd b. Muhammad, not Abū al-Faraj al-Isfahani. Thus, it is hard to know with certainty how and where al-Isfahani was engaged in his capacity as a
kātib. Nevertheless, al-Isfahani's association with the vizier,
Abū Muḥammad al-Muhallabī (903–963), is well-documented. The friendship between the two began before al-Muhallabī's became vizier in 950. The firm relationship between them is supported by al-Isfahani's poetry collected by al-Thaʿālibī (961–1038): half of the fourteen poems are panegyrics dedicated to al-Muhallabī. In addition, al-Isfahani's own work,
al-Imāʾ al-shawāʿir (“Enslaved Women Who Composed Poetry”), is dedicated to the vizier, presumably, al-Muhallabī. His no longer surviving
Manājīb al-khiṣyān (“The Noble Eunuchs”), which addresses two castrated male singers owned by al-Muhallabī, was composed for him. His
magnum opus, the
Aghānī, was very likely intended for al-Muhallabī, as well. In return for his literary efforts, according to al-Tanūkhī, al-Isfahani frequently received rewards from the vizier. Furthermore, for the sake of their long-term friendship and out of his respect for al-Isfahani's genius, al-Muhallabī exceptionally tolerated al-Isfahani's uncouth manners and poor personal hygiene. The sources say nothing about al-Isfahani's fate after al-Muhallabī's death. In his last years, according to his student, Muhammad b. Abī al-Fawāris, he suffered from senility (
khallaṭa).
Personality, preferences, and beliefs As a friend, al-Isfahani was unconventional in the sense that he did not seem to have been bothered to observe the social decorum of his time, as noted by a late biographical source: with his uncleanliness and gluttony, he presented a counterexample to elegance (
ẓarf), as defined by one of his teachers, Abu al-Ṭayyib al-Washshāʾ (d. 937). His unconformity to the social norms did not hinder him from being part of al-Muhallabī's entourage or participation in the literary assemblies, but, inevitably, it resulted in frictions with other scholars and detraction by his enemies. Although al-Isfahani appeared eccentric to his human associates, he was a caring owner of his cat, named Yaqaq (white): he treated Yaqaq's
colic (
qulanj) with an
enema (
al-ḥuqna). In contrast to his personal habits, al-Isfahani's prose style is lucid, “in clear and simple language, with unusual sincerity and frankness”. Al-Isfahani's capacity as a writer is well illustrated by Abu Deeb, who depicts al-Isfahani as "one of the finest writers of Arabic prose in his time, with a remarkable ability to relate widely different types of
aḵbār in a rich, lucid, rhythmic, and precise style, only occasionally exploiting such formal effects as
saǰʿ (rhyming prose). He was also a fine poet with an opulent imagination. His poetry displays preoccupations similar to those of other urban poets of his time". His pinpoint documentation of
asānīd and meticulous verification of information, provided in all his works, embody a truly scholarly character. Usually, in his treatment of a subject or an event, al-Isfahani lets his sources speak, but, occasionally, he voices his evaluation of poems and songs, as well as their creators. When dealing with conflicting reports, al-Isfahani either leaves his readers to decide or issues his judgement as to the most credible account. Yet, he frankly condemns sources whom he holds to be unreliable, for instance, Ibn Khurdādhbih on musicological information and Ibn al-Kalbī on genealogy. Indeed, al-Isfahani assesses his source material with a critical eye, while striving to present a more balanced view on his biographies, by focusing on their merits instead of elaborating on their flaws. That said, al-Isfahani's personal preferences and sectarian partisanship are not absent from his works. In terms of music and songs, al-Isfahani favours
Ishaq b. Ibrahim al-Mawsili (772–850). In al-Isfahani's view, Ishaq b. Ibrahim was a multi-talented man, who excelled in a number of subjects, but, most importantly, music. Ishaq b. Ibrahim, as a collector of the reports about poets and singers, is an important source in his
Aghānī. Besides being a mine of information, Ishaq b. Ibrahim's terminology for the description of the melodic modes is preferred over that of his opponent,
Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdi (779–839), and adopted by al-Isfahani in his
Aghani. Furthermore, al-Isfahani embarked on the compilation of the
Aghānī because he was commissioned by his patron to reconstruct the list of the exquisite songs selected by Ishaq. In other words, the
raison d’etre of the
Aghānī is partly related to al-Isfahani's idol, Ishaq b. Ibrahim, and its information about singers, songs and performance owes a tremendous amount to him. Al-Isfahani's admiration for scholars or men of letters can be detected from time to time, usually in the passing comments in the chains of transmission. Yet al-Isfahani outspokenly expresses his admiration, in some cases, such as that of Ibn al-Muʿtazz (862–909). As an Umayyad by ancestry, al-Isfahani's later biographers mention his Shi'i affiliation with surprise. Yet, in the light of the history of the family's connections with the Abbasid elite of Shi'i inclination and the Ṭālibids, and of his learning experience in Kūfa, his Shi'i conviction is understandable. Al-Tusi (995–1067) is the only early source specifying the exact sect to which al-Isfahani belonged in the fluid Shi'i world: he was a
Zaydī. Although al-Ṭūsī's view is widely accepted, its veracity is not beyond doubt. Al-Isfahani does not seem to have been informed of the latest Zaydī movements in Yemen and Ṭabaristān during his life, while his association with the Kūfan Zaydī community, which to some degree became less distinguishable from the
Sunnīs, is yet to be studied in depth. It is clear, based on examination of how al-Isfahani amended the reports at his disposal, that he honoured Ali, who played a far more prominent role in his works than the first three caliphs, and some of his descendants, including Zaydi Shi'ism's eponym,
Zayd ibn Ali (694–740), by presenting them positively, while, in some cases, leaving their enemies’ rectitude in question. In spite of that, al-Isfahani is neither keen to identify the imams in the past, nor discuss the qualities of an imam. As a matter of fact, he hardly uses the word, not even applying it to Zayd b. Ali. Furthermore, he does not unconditionally approve any Alid revolt and seems lukewarm towards the group he refers to as Zaydis. Taken together, al-Isfahani's Shi'i conviction is better characterised as moderate love for
Ali without impugning the dignity of the caliphs before him. == Legacy ==